1. Those of the Hellenes who had been appointed to serve in the fleet
were these:--the Athenians furnished a hundred and twenty-seven ships,
and the Plataians moved by valour and zeal for the service, although
they had had no practice in seamanship, yet joined with the Athenians
in manning their ships. The Corinthians furnished forty ships, the
Megarians twenty; the Chalkidians manned twenty ships with which the
Athenians furnished them;[1] the Eginetans furnished eighteen ships,
the Sikyonians twelve, the Lacedemonians ten, the Epidaurians eight,
the Eretrians seven, the Troizenians five, the Styrians two, the
Keïans two ships[2] and two fifty-oared galleys, while the Locrians of
Opus came also to the assistance of the rest with seven fifty-oared
galleys.
2. These were those who joined in the expedition to Artemision, and I
have mentioned them according to the number[3] of the ships which they
severally supplied: so the number of the ships which were assembled at
Artemision was (apart from the fifty-oared galleys) two hundred and
seventy-one: and the commander who had the supreme power was furnished
by the Spartans, namely Eurybiades son of Eurycleides, since the
allies said that they would not follow the lead of the Athenians, but
unless a Lacedemonian were leader they would break up the expedition
which was to be made: 3, for it had come to be said at first, even
before they sent to Sicily to obtain allies, that the fleet ought to
be placed in the charge of the Athenians. So as the allies opposed
this, the Athenians yielded, having it much at heart that Hellas
should be saved, and perceiving that if they should have disagreement
with one another about the leadership, Hellas would perish: and herein
they judged rightly, for disagreement between those of the same race
is worse than war undertaken with one consent by as much as war is
worse than peace. Being assured then of this truth, they did not
contend, but gave way for so long time as they were urgently in need
of the allies; and that this was so their conduct proved; for when,
after repelling the Persian from themselves, they were now contending
for his land and no longer for their own, they alleged the insolence
of Pausanias as a pretext and took away the leadership from the
Lacedemonians. This however took place afterwards. 4. But at this time
these Hellenes also who had come to Artemision,[4] when they saw that
a great number of ships had put in to Aphetai and that everything was
filled with their armament, were struck with fear, because the
fortunes of the Barbarians had different issue from that which they
expected, and they deliberated about retreating from Artemision to the
inner parts of Hellas. And the Eubœans perceiving that they were so
deliberating, asked Eurybiades to stay there by them for a short time,
until they should have removed out of their land their children, and
their households; and as they did not persuade him, they went
elsewhere and persuaded Themistocles the commander of the Athenians by
a payment of thirty talents, the condition being that the fleet should
stay and fight the sea-battle in front of Eubœa. 5. Themistocles then
caused the Hellenes to stay in the following manner:--to Eurybiades he
imparted five talents of the sum with the pretence that he was giving
it from himself; and when Eurybiades had been persuaded by him to
change his resolution, Adeimantos son of Okytos, the Corinthian
commander, was the only one of all the others who still made a
struggle, saying that he would sail away from Artemision and would not
stay with the others: to him therefore Themistocles said with an oath:
"Thou at least shalt not leave us, for I will give thee greater gifts
than the king of the Medes would send to thee, if thou shouldest
desert thy allies." Thus he spoke, and at the same time he sent to the
ship of Adeimantos three talents of silver. So these all[5] had been
persuaded by gifts to change their resolution, and at the same time
the request of the Eubœans had been gratified and Themistocles himself
gained money; and it was not known that he had the rest of the money,
but those who received a share of this money were fully persuaded that
it had come from the Athenian State for this purpose.
6. Thus they remained in Eubœa and fought a sea-battle; and it came to
pass as follows:--when the Barbarians had arrived at Aphetai about the
beginning of the afternoon, having been informed even before they came
that a few ships of the Hellenes were stationed about Artemision and
now seeing them for themselves, they were eager to attack them, to see
if they could capture them. Now they did not think it good yet to sail
against them directly for this reason,--for fear namely that the
Hellenes, when they saw them sailing against them, should set forth to
take flight and darkness should come upon them in their flight; and so
they were likely (thought the Persians)[6] to get away; whereas it was
right, according to their calculation, that not even the fire-
bearer[7] should escape and save his life. 7. With a view to this then
they contrived as follows:--of the whole number of their ships they
parted off two hundred and sent them round to sail by Caphereus and
round Geriastos to the Euripos, going outside Skiathos so that they
might not be sighted by the enemy as they sailed round Eubœa: and
their purpose was that with these coming up by that way, and blocking
the enemies' retreat, and themselves advancing against them directly,
they might surround them on all sides. Having formed this plan they
proceeded to send off the ships which were appointed for this, and
they themselves had no design of attacking the Hellenes on that day
nor until the signal agreed upon should be displayed to them by those
who were sailing round, to show that they had arrived. These ships, I
say, they were sending round, and meanwhile they were numbering the
rest at Aphetai.
8. During this time, while these were numbering their ships, it
happened thus:--there was in that camp a man of Skione named Skyllias,
as a diver the best of all the men of that time, who also in the
shipwreck which took place by Pelion had saved for the Persians many
of their goods and many of them also he had acquired for himself: this
Skyllias it appears had had an intention even before this of deserting
to the side of the Hellenes, but it had not been possible for him to
do so then. In what manner after this attempt he did actually come to
the Hellenes, I am not able to say with certainty, but I marvel if the
tale is true which is reported; for it is said that he dived into the
sea at Aphetai and did not come up till he reached Artemision, having
traversed here somewhere about eighty furlongs through the sea. Now
there are told about this man several other tales which seem likely to
be false, but some also which are true: about this matter however let
it be stated as my opinion that he came to Artemision in a boat. Then
when he had come, he forthwith informed the commanders about the
shipwreck, how it had come to pass, and of the ships which had been
sent away to go round Eubœa. 9. Hearing this the Hellenes considered
the matter with one another; and after many things had been spoken,
the prevailing opinion was that they should remain there that day and
encamp on shore, and then, when midnight was past, they should set
forth and go to meet those ships which were sailing round. After this
however, as no one sailed out to attack them, they waited for the
coming of the late hours of the afternoon and sailed out themselves to
attack the Barbarians, desiring to make a trial both of their manner
of fighting and of the trick of breaking their line.[8] 10. And seeing
them sailing thus against them with few ships, not only the others in
the army of Xerxes but also their commanders judged them to be moved
by mere madness, and they themselves also put out their ships to sea,
supposing that they would easily capture them: and their expectation
was reasonable enough, since they saw that the ships of the Hellenes
were few, while theirs were many times as numerous and sailed better.
Setting their mind then on this, they came round and enclosed them in
the middle. Then so many of the Ionians as were kindly disposed to the
Hellenes and were serving in the expedition against their will,
counted it a matter of great grief to themselves when they saw them
being surrounded and felt assured that not one of them would return
home, so feeble did they think the power of the Hellenes to be; while
those to whom that which was happening was a source of pleasure, were
vying with one another, each one endeavouring to be the first to take
an Athenian ship and receive gifts from the king: for in their camps
there was more report of the Athenians than of any others. 11. The
Hellenes meanwhile, when the signal was given, first set themselves
with prows facing the Barbarians and drew the sterns of their ships
together in the middle; and when the signal was given a second time,
although shut off in a small space and prow against prow,[9] they set
to work vigorously; and they captured thirty ships of the Barbarians
and also Philaon the son of Chersis, the brother of Gorgos kind of the
Salaminians, who was a man of great repute in the army. Now the first
of the Hellenes who captured a ship of the enemy was an Athenian,
Lycomedes the son of Aischraios, and he received the prize for valour.
So these, as they were contending in this sea-fight with doubtful
result, were parted from one another by the coming on of night. The
Hellenes accordingly sailed away to Artemision and the Barbarians to
Aphetai, the contest having been widely different from their
expectation. In this sea-fight Antidoros of Lemnos alone of the
Hellenes who were with the king deserted to the side of the Hellenes,
and the Athenians on account of this deed gave him a piece of land in
Salamis.
12. When the darkness had come on, although the season was the middle
of summer, yet there came on very abundant rain, which lasted through
the whole of the night, with crashing thunder[10] from Mount Pelion;
and the dead bodies and pieces of wreck were cast up at Aphetai and
became entangled round the prows of the ships and struck against the
blades of the oars: and the men of the army who were there, hearing
these things became afraid, expecting that they would certainly
perish, to such troubles had they come; for before they had had even
breathing space after the shipwreck and the storm which had arisen off
Mount Pelion, there had come upon them a hard sea-fight, and after the
sea-fight a violent storm of rain and strong streams rushing to the
sea and crashing thunder. 13. These then had such a night as I have
said; and meanwhile those of them who had been appointed to sail round
Eubœa experienced the very same night, but against them it raged much
more fiercely, inasmuch as it fell upon them while they were making
their course in the open sea. And the end of it proved distressful[11]
to them; for when the storm and the rain together came upon them as
they sailed, being then off the "Hollows" of Eubœa,[12] they were
borne by the wind not knowing by what way they were carried, and were
cast away upon the rocks. And all this was being brought about by God
in order that the Persian force might be made more equal to that of
the Hellenes and might not be by very much the larger. 14. These then,
I say, were perishing about the Hollows of Eubœa, and meanwhile the
Barbarians at Aphetai, when day had dawned upon them, of which they
were glad, were keeping their ships quiet, and were satisfied in their
evil plight to remain still for the present time; but to the Hellenes
there came as a reinforcement three-and-fifty Athenian ships. The
coming of these gave them more courage, and at the same time they were
encouraged also by a report that those of the Barbarians who had been
sailing round Eubœa had all been destroyed by the storm that had taken
place. They waited then for the same time of day as before, and then
they sailed and fell upon some Kilikian ships; and having destroyed
these, they sailed away when the darkness came on, and returned to
Artemision.
15. On the third day the commanders of the Barbarians, being
exceedingly indignant that so small a number of ships should thus do
them damage, and fearing what Xerxes might do, did not wait this time
for the Hellenes to begin the fight, but passed the word of command
and put out their ships to sea about the middle of the day. Now it so
happened that these battles at sea and the battles on land at
Thermopylai took place on the same days; and for those who fought by
sea the whole aim of the fighting was concerned with the channel of
Euripos, just as the aim of Leonidas and of his band was to guard the
pass: the Hellenes accordingly exhorted one another not to let the
Barbarians go by into Hellas; while these cheered one another on to
destroy the fleet of the Hellenes and to get possession of the
straits. 16. Now while the forces of Xerxes were sailing in order
towards them, the Hellenes kept quiet at Artemision; and the
Barbarians, having made a crescent of their ships that they might
enclose them, were endeavouring to surround them. Then the Hellenes
put out to sea and engaged with them; and in this battle the two sides
were nearly equal to one another; for the fleet of Xerxes by reason of
its great size and numbers suffered damage from itself, since the
ships were thrown into confusion and ran into one another:
nevertheless it stood out and did not give way, for they disdained to
be turned to flight by so few ships. Many ships therefore of the
Hellenes were destroyed and many men perished, but many more ships and
men of the Barbarians. Thus contending they parted and went each to
their own place. 17. In this sea-fight the Egyptians did best of the
men who fought for Xerxes; and these, besides other great deeds which
they displayed, captured five ships of the Hellenes together with
their crews: while of the Hellenes those who did best on this day were
the Athenians, and of the Athenians Cleinias the son of Alkibiades,
who was serving with two hundred man and a ship of his own, furnishing
the expense at his own proper cost.
18. Having parted, both sides gladly hastened to their moorings; and
after they had separated and got away out of the sea-fight, although
the Hellenes had possession of the bodies of the dead and of the
wrecks of the ships, yet having suffered severely[13] (and especially
the Athenians, of whose ships half had been disabled), they were
deliberating now about retreating to the inner parts of Hellas. 19.
Themistocles however had conceived that if there should be detached
from the force of the Barbarians the Ionian and Carian nations, they
would be able to overcome the rest; and when the people of Eubœa were
driving their flocks down to that sea,[14] he assembled the generals
and said to them that he thought he had a device by which he hoped to
cause the best of the king's allies to leave him. This matter he
revealed to that extent only; and with regard to their present
circumstances, he said that they must do as follows:--every one must
slaughter of the flocks of the Eubœans as many as he wanted, for it
was better that their army should have them than the enemy; moreover
he advised that each one should command his own men to kindle a fire:
and as for the time of their departure he would see to it in such wise
that they should come safe to Hellas. This they were content to do,
and forthwith when they had kindled a fire they turned their attention
to the flocks. 20. For in fact the Eubœans, neglecting the oracle of
Bakis as if it had no meaning at all, had neither carried away
anything from their land nor laid in any store of provisions with a
view to war coming upon them, and by their conduct moreover they had
brought trouble upon themselves.[15] For the oracle uttered by Bakis
about these matters runs as follows:
"Mark, when a man, a Barbarian, shall yoke the Sea with papyrus,
Then do thou plan to remove the loud-bleating goats from Eubœa."
In the evils which at this time were either upon them or soon to be
expected they might feel not a little sorry that they had paid no
attention to these lines.
21. While these were thus engaged, there came to them the scout from
Trachis: for there was at Artemision a scout named Polyas, by birth of
Antikyra, to whom it had been appointed, if the fleet should be
disabled,[16] to signify this to those at Thermopylai, and he had a
vessel equipped and ready for this purpose; and similarly there was
with Leonidas Abronichos son of Lysicles, an Athenian, ready to carry
news to those at Artemision with a thirty-oared galley, if any
disaster should happen to the land-army. This Abronichos then had
arrived, and he proceeded to signify to them that which had come to
pass about Leonidas and his army; and then when they were informed of
it no longer put off their retreat, but set forth in the order in
which they were severally posted, the Corinthians first and the
Athenians last. 22. Themistocles however selected those ships of the
Athenians which sailed best, and went round to the springs of
drinking-water, cutting inscriptions on the stones there, which the
Ionians read when they came to Artemision on the following day. These
inscriptions ran thus: "Ionians, ye act not rightly in making
expedition against the fathers of your race and endeavouring to
enslave Hellas. Best of all were it that ye should come and be on our
side; but if that may not be done by you, stand aside even now from
the combat against us and ask the Carians to do the same as ye. If
however neither of these two things is possible to be done, and ye are
bound down by too strong compulsion to be able to make revolt, then in
the action, when we engage battle, be purposely slack, remember that
ye are descended from us and that our quarrel with the Barbarian took
its rise at the first from you." Themistocles wrote thus, having, as I
suppose, two things together in his mind, namely that either the
inscriptions might elude the notice of the king and cause the Ionians
to change and come over to the side on which he was, or that having
been reported and denounced to Xerxes they might cause the Ionians to
be distrusted by him, and so he might keep them apart from the sea-
fights.
Themistocles then had set these inscriptions: and to the Barbarians
there came immediately after these things a man of Histaia in a boat
bringing word of the retreat of the Hellenes from Artemision. They
however, not believing it, kept the messenger under guard and sent
swift-sailing ships to look on before. Then these having reported the
facts, at last as daylight was spreading over the sky, the whole
armament sailed in a body to Artemision; and having stayed at this
place till mid-day, after this they sailed to Histaia, and there
arrived they took possession of the city of Histaia and overran all
the villages which lie along the coast in the region of Ellopia, which
is the land of Histaia.
24. While they were there, Xerxes, after he had made his dispositions
with regard to the bodies of the dead, sent a herald to the fleet: and
the dispositions which he made beforehand were as follows:--for all
those of his army who were lying dead at Thermopylai, (and there were
as many as twenty thousand in all), with the exception of about a
thousand whom he left, he dug trenches and buried them, laying over
them leaves and heaping earth upon them, that they might not be seen
by the men of the fleet. Then when the herald had gone over to
Histaia, he gathered an assembly of the whole force and spoke these
words: "Allies, king Xerxes grants permission to any one of you who
desires it, to leave his post and to come and see how he fights
against those most senseless men who looked to overcome the power of
the king." 25. When the herald had proclaimed this, then boats were of
all things most in request, so many were they who desired to see this
sight; and when they had passed over they went through the dead bodies
and looked at them: and every one supposed that those who were lying
there were all Lacedemonians or Thespians, though the Helots also were
among those that they saw: however, they who had passed over did not
fail to perceive that Xerxes had done that which I mentioned about the
bodies of his own dead; for in truth it was a thing to cause laughter
even: on the one side there were seen a thousand dead bodies lying,
while the others lay all gathered together in the same place, four
thousand[17] of them. During this day then they busied themselves with
looking, and on the day after this they sailed back to the ships at
Histaia, while Xerxes and his army set forth upon their march.
26. There had come also to them a few deserters from Arcadia, men in
want of livelihood and desiring to be employed. These the Persians
brought into the king's presence and inquired about the Hellenes, what
they were doing; and one man it was who asked them this for all the
rest. They told them that the Hellenes were keeping the Olympic
festival and were looking on at a contest of athletics and
horsemanship. He then inquired again, what was the prize proposed to
them, for the sake of which they contended; and they told them of the
wreath of olive which is given. Then Tigranes[18] the son of Artabanos
uttered a thought which was most noble, though thereby he incurred
from the king the reproach of cowardice: for hearing that the prize
was a wreath and not money, he could not endure to keep silence, but
in the presence of all he spoke these words: "Ah! Mardonios, what kind
of men are these against whom thou hast brought us to fight, who make
their contest not for money but for honour!" Thus was it spoken by
this man.
27. In the meantime, so soon as the disaster at Thermopylai had come
about, the Thessalians sent a herald forthwith to the Phokians,
against whom they had a grudge always, but especially because of the
latest disaster which they had suffered: for when both the Thessalians
themselves and their allies had invaded the Phokian land not many
years before this expedition of the king, they had been defeated by
the Phokians and handled by them roughly. For the Phokians had been
shut up in Mount Parnassos having with them a soothsayer, Tellias the
Eleian; and this Tellias contrived for them a device of the following
kind:--he took six hundred men, the best of the Phokians, and whitened
them over with chalk, both themselves and their armour, and then he
attacked the Thessalians by night, telling the Phokians beforehand to
slay every man whom they should see not coloured over with white. So
not only the sentinels of the Thessalians, who saw these first, were
terrified by them, supposing it to be something portentous and other
than it was, but also after the sentinels the main body of their army;
so that the Phokians remained in possession of four thousand bodies of
slain men and shields; of which last they dedicated half at Abai and
half at Delphi; and from the tithe of booty got by this battle were
made the large statues which are contending for the tripod in front of
the temple[19] at Delphi, and others similar to these are dedicated as
an offering at Abai. 28. Thus had the Phokians done to the Thessalian
footmen, when they were besieged by them; and they had done
irreparable hurt to their cavalry also, when this had invaded their
land: for in the pass which is by Hyampolis they had dug a great
trench and laid down in it empty wine-jars; and then having carried
earth and laid it on the top and made it like the rest of the ground,
they waited for the Thessalians to invade their land. These supposing
that they would make short work with the Phokians,[20] riding in full
course fell upon the wine-jars; and there the legs of their horses
were utterly crippled. 29. Bearing then a grudge for both of these
things, the Thessalians sent a herald and addressed them thus:
"Phokians, we advise you to be more disposed now to change your minds
and to admit that ye are not on a level with us: for in former times
among the Hellenes, so long as it pleased us to be on that side, we
always had the preference over you, and now we have such great power
with the Barbarian that it rests with us to cause you to be deprived
of your land and to be sold into slavery also. We however, though we
have all the power in our hands, do not bear malice, but let there be
paid to us fifty talents of silver in return for this, and we will
engage to avert the dangers which threaten to come upon your land."
30. Thus the Thessalians proposed to them; for the Phokians alone of
all the people in those parts were not taking the side of the Medes,
and this for no other reason, as I conjecture, but only because of
their enmity with the Thessalians; and if the Thessalians had
supported the cause of the Hellenes, I am of opinion that the Phokians
would have been on the side of the Medes. When the Thessalians
proposed this, they said that they would not give the money, and that
it was open to them to take the Median side just as much as the
Thessalians, if they desired it for other reasons; but they would not
with their own will be traitors to Hellas.
31. When these words were reported, then the Thessalians, moved with
anger against the Phokians, became guides to the Barbarian to show him
the way: and from the land of Trachis they entered Doris; for a narrow
strip[21] of the Dorian territory extends this way, about thirty
furlongs in breadth, lying between Malis and Phokis, the region which
was in ancient time called Dryopis; this land is the mother-country of
the Dorians in Peloponnese. Now the Barbarians did not lay waste this
land of Doris when they entered it, for the people of it were taking
the side of the Medes, and also the Thessalians did not desire it. 32.
When however from Doris they entered Phokis, they did not indeed
capture the Phokians themselves; for some of them had gone up to the
heights of Parnassos,--and that summit of Parnassos is very convenient
to receive a large number, which lies by itself near the city of Neon,
the name of it being Tithorea,--to this, I say, some of them had
carried up their goods and gone up themselves; but most of them had
conveyed their goods out to the Ozolian Locrians, to the city of
Amphissa, which is situated above the Crissaian plain. The Barbarians
however overran the whole land of Phokis, for so the Thessalians led
their army, and all that they came to as they marched they burned or
cut down, and delivered to the flames both the cities and the temples:
33, for they laid everything waste, proceeding this way by the river
Kephisos, and they destroyed the city of Drymos by fire, and also the
following, namely Charadra, Erochos, Tethronion, Amphikaia, Neon,
Pedieis, Triteis, Elateia, Hyampolis, Parapotamioi and Abai, at which
last-named place there was a temple of Apollo, wealthy and furnished
with treasuries and votive offerings in abundance; and there was then,
as there is even now, the seat of an Oracle there: this temple they
plundered and burnt. Some also of the Phokians they pursued and
captured upon the mountains, and some women they did to death by
repeated outrage.
34. Passing by Parapotamioi the Barbarians came to Panopeus, and from
this point onwards their army was separated and went different ways.
The largest and strongest part of the army, proceeding with Xerxes
himself against Athens, entered the land of the Bœotians, coming into
the territory of Orchomenos. Now the general body of the Bœotians was
taking the side of the Medes, and their cities were being kept by
Macedonians appointed for each, who had been sent by Alexander; and
they were keeping them this aim, namely in order to make it plain to
Xerxes that the Bœotians were disposed to be on the side of the Medes.
35. These, I say, of the Barbarians took their way in this direction;
but others of them with guides had set forth to go to the temple at
Delphi, keeping Parnassos on their right hand: and all the parts of
Phokis over which these marched they ravaged; for they set fire to the
towns of Panopeus and Daulis and Aiolis. And for this reason they
marched in that direction, parted off from the rest of the army,
namely in order that they might plunder the temple at Delphi and
deliver over the treasures there to king Xerxes: and Xerxes was well
acquainted with all that there was in it of any account, better, I am
told, than with the things which he had left in his own house at home,
seeing that many constantly reported of them, and especially of the
votive offerings of Crœsus the son of Alyattes. 36. Meanwhile the
Delphians, having been informed of this, had been brought to extreme
fear; and being in great terror they consulted the Oracle about the
sacred things, whether they should bury them in the earth or carry
them forth to another land; but the god forbade them to meddle with
these, saying that he was able by himself to take care of his own.
Hearing this they began to take thought for themselves, and they sent
their children and women over to Achaia on the other side of the sea,
while most of the men themselves ascended up towards the summits of
Parnassos and carried their property to the Corykian cave, while
others departed for refuge to Amphissa of the Locrians. In short the
Delphians had all left the town excepting sixty men and the prophet of
the Oracle.[22] 37. When the Barbarians had come near and could see
the temple, then the prophet, whose name was Akeratos, saw before the
cell[23] arms lying laid out, having been brought forth out of the
sanctuary,[24] which were sacred and on which it was not permitted to
any man to lay hands. He then was going to announce the portent to
those of the Delphians who were stil there, but when the Barbarians
pressing onwards came opposite the temple of Athene Pronaia, there
happened to them in addition portents yet greater than that which had
come to pass before: for though that too was a marvel, that arms of
war should appear of themselves laid forth outside the cell, yet this,
which happened straightway after that, is worthy of marvel even beyond
all other prodigies. When the Barbarians in their approach were
opposite the temple of Athene Pronaia, at this point of time from the
heaven there fell thunderbolts upon them, and from Parnassos two crags
were broken away and rushed down upon them with a great crashing noise
falling upon many of them, while from the temple of Pronaia there was
heard a shout, and a battle-cry was raised. 38. All these things
having come together, there fell fear upon the Barbarians; and the
Delphians having perceived that they were flying, came down after them
and slew a great number of them; and those who survived fled straight
to Bœotia. These who returned of the Barbarians reported, as I am
informed, that in addition to this which we have said they saw also
other miraculous things; for two men (they said) in full armour and of
stature more than human followed them slaying and pursuing. 39. These
two the Delphians say were the native heroes Phylacos and Autonoös,
whose sacred enclosures are about the temple, that of Phylacos being
close by the side of the road above the temple of Pronaia and that of
Autonoös near Castalia under the peak called Hyampeia. Moreover the
rocks which fell from Parnassos were still preserved even to my time,
lying in the sacred enclosure of Athene Pronaia, into which they fell
when they rushed through the ranks of the Barbarians. Such departure
had these men from the temple.
40. Meanwhile the fleet of the Hellenes after leaving Artemision put
in to land at Salamis at the request of the Athenians: and for this
reason the Athenians requested them to put in to Salamis, namely in
order that they might remove out of Attica to a place of safety their
children and their wives, and also deliberate what they would have to
do; for in their present case they meant to take counsel afresh,
because they had been deceived in their expectation. For they had
thought to find the Peloponnesians in full force waiting for the
Barbarians in Bœotia; they found however nothing of this, but they
were informed on the contrary that the Peloponnesians were fortifying
the Isthmus with a wall, valuing above all things the safety of the
Peloponnese and keeping this in guard; and that they were disposed to
let all else go. Being informed of this, the Athenians therefore made
request of them to put in to Salamis. 41. The others then put in their
ships to land at Salamis, but the Athenians went over to their own
land; and after their coming they made a proclamation that every one
of the Athenians should endeavour to save his children and household
as best he could. So the greater number sent them to Troizen, but
others to Egina, and others to Salamis, and they were urgent to put
these out of danger, both because they desired to obey the oracle and
also especially for another reason, which was this:--the Athenians say
that a great serpent lives in the temple[25] and guards the Acropolis;
and they not only say this, but also they set forth for it monthly
offerings, as if it were really there; and the offering consists of a
honey-cake. This honey-cake, which before used always to be consumed,
was at this time left untouched. When the priestess had signified
this, the Athenians left the city much more and with greater eagerness
than before, seeing that the goddess also had (as they supposed) left
the Acropolis. Then when all their belongings had been removed out of
danger, they sailed to the encampment of the fleet.
42. When those who came from Artemision had put their ships in to land
at Salamis, the remainder of the naval force of the Hellenes, being
informed of this, came over gradually to join them[26] from Troizen:
for they had been ordered beforehand to assemble at Pogon, which is
the harbour of the Troizenians. There were assembled accordingly now
many more ships than those which were in the sea-fight at Artemision,
and from more cities. Over the whole was set as admiral the same man
as at Artemision, namely Eurybiades the son of Eurycleides, a Spartan
but not of the royal house; the Athenians however supplied by far the
greatest number of ships and those which sailed the best. 43. The
following were those who joined the muster:--From Peloponnese the
Lacedemonians furnishing sixteen ships, the Corinthians furnishing the
same complement as at Artemision, the Sikyonians furnishing fifteen
ships, the Epidaurians ten, the Troizenians five, the men of
Hermion[26a] three, these all, except the Hermionians, being of Doric
and Makednian[27] race and having made their last migration from
Erineos and Pindos and the land of Dryopis;[28] but the people of
Hermion are Dryopians, driven out by Heracles and the Malians from the
land which is now called Doris. 44. These were the Peloponnesians who
joined the fleet, and those of the mainland outside the Peloponnese
were as follows:--the Athenians, furnishing a number larger than all
the rest,[29] namely one hundred and eighty ships, and serving alone,
since the Plataians did not take part with the Athenians in the sea-
fight at Salamis, because when the Hellenes were departing from
Artemision and come near Chalkis, the Plataians disembarked on the
opposite shore of Bœotia and proceeded to the removal of their
households. So being engaged in saving these, they had been left
behind. As for the Athenians, in the time when the Pelasgians occupied
that which is now called Hellas, they were Pelasgians, being named
Cranaoi, and in the time of king Kecrops they came to be called
Kecropidai; then when Erechtheus had succeeded to his power, they had
their name changed to Athenians; and after Ion the son of Xuthos
became commander[30] of the Athenians, they got the name from him of
Ionians. 45. The Megarians furnished the same complement as at
Artermision; the Amprakiots came to the assistance of the rest with
seven ships, and the Leucadians with three, these being by race
Dorians from Corinth. 46. Of the islanders the Eginetans furnished
thirty; these had also other ships manned, but with them they were
guarding their own land, while with the thirty which sailed best they
joined in the sea-fight at Salamis. Now the Eginetans are Dorians from
Epidauros, and their island had formerly the name of Oinone. After the
Eginetans came the Chalkidians with the twenty ships which were at
Artemision, and the Eretrians with their seven: these are Ionians.
Next the Keïans, furnishing the same as before and being by race
Ionians from Athens. The Naxians furnished four ships, they having
been sent out by the citizens of their State to join the Persians,
like the other islanders; but neglecting these commands they had come
to the Hellenes, urged thereto by Democritos, a man of repute among
the citizens and at that time commander of a trireme. Now the Naxians
are Ionians coming originally from Athens. The Styrians furnished the
same ships as at Artemision, and the men of Kythnos one ship and one
fifty-oared galley, these both being Dryopians. Also the Seriphians,
the Siphnians and the Melians served with the rest; for they alone of
the islanders had not given earth and water to the Barbarian. 47.
These all who have been named dwelt inside the land of the
Thesprotians and the river Acheron; for the Thesprotians border upon
the land of the Amprakiots and Leucadians, and these were they who
came from the greatest distance to serve: but of those who dwell
outside these limits the men of Croton were the only people who came
to the assistance of Hellas in her danger; and these sent one ship, of
whom the commander was Phaÿlos, a man who had three times won
victories at the Pythian games. Now the men of Croton are by descent
Achaians. 48. All the rest who served in the fleet furnished triremes,
but the Melians, Siphnian and Seriphians fifty-oared galleys: the
Melians, who are by descent from Lacedemon, furnished two, the
Siphnians and Seriphians, who are Ionians from Athens, each one. And
the whole number of the ships, apart from the fifty-oared galleys, was
three hundred and seventy-eight.[31]
49. When the commanders had assembled at Salamis from the States which
have been mentioned, they began to deliberate, Eurybiades having
proposed that any one who desired it should declare his opinion as to
where he thought it most convenient to fight a sea-battle in those
regions of which they had command; for Attica had already been let go,
and he was now proposing the question about the other regions. And the
opinions of the speakers for the most part agreed that they should
sail to the Isthmus and there fight a sea-battle in defence of the
Peloponnese, arguing that if they should be defeated in the sea-
battle, supposing them to be at Salamis they would be blockaded in an
island, where no help would come to them, but at the Isthmus they
would be able to land where their own men were. 50. While the
commanders from the Peloponnese argued thus, an Athenian had come in
reporting that the Barbarians were arrived in Attica and that all the
land was being laid waste with fire. For the army which directed its
march through Bœotia in company with Xerxes, after it had burnt the
city of the Thespians (the inhabitants having left it and gone to the
Peloponnese) and that of the Plataians likewise, had now come to
Athens and was laying waste everything in those regions. Now he had
burnt Thespiai[31a] and Plataia because he was informed by the Thebans
that these were not taking the side of the Medes. 51. So in three
months from the crossing of the Hellespont, whence the Barbarians
began their march, after having stayed there one month while they
crossed over into Europe, they had reached Attica, in the year when
Calliades was archon of the Athenians. And they took the lower city,
which was deserted, and then they found that there were still a few
Athenians left in the temple, either stewards of the temple or needy
persons, who had barred the entrance to the Acropolis with doors and
with a palisade of timber and endeavoured to defend themselves against
the attacks of the enemy, being men who had not gone out to Salamis
partly because of their poverty, and also because they thought that
they alone had discovered the meaning of the oracle which the Pythian
prophetess had uttered to them, namely that the "bulwark of wood"
should be impregnable, and supposed that this was in fact the safe
refuge according to the oracle, and not the ships. 52. So the Persians
taking their post upon the rising ground opposite the Acropolis, which
the Athenians call the Hill of Ares,[32] proceeded to besiege them in
this fashion, that is they put tow round about their arrows and
lighted it, and then shot them against the palisade. The Athenians who
were besieged continued to defend themselves nevertheless, although
they had come to the extremity of distress and their palisade had
played them false; nor would they accept proposals for surrender, when
the sons of Peisistratos brought them forward: but endeavouring to
defend themselves they contrived several contrivances against the
enemy, and among the rest they rolled down large stones when the
Barbarians approached the gates; so that for a long time Xerxes was in
a difficulty, not being able to capture them. 53. In time however
there appeared for the Barbarians a way of approach after their
difficulties, since by the oracle it was destined that all of Attica
which is on the mainland should come to be under the Persians. Thus
then it happened that on the front side[33] of the Acropolis behind
the gates and the way up to the entrance, in a place where no one was
keeping guard, nor would one have supposed that any man could ascend
by this way, here men ascended by the temple of Aglauros the daughter
of Kecrops, although indeed the place is precipitous: and when the
Athenians saw that they had ascended up to the Acropolis, some of them
threw themselves down from the wall and perished, while others took
refuge in the sanctuary[34] of the temple. Then those of the Persians
who had ascended went first to the gates, and after opening these they
proceeded to kill the suppliants; and when all had been slain by them,
they plundered the temple and set fire to the whole of the Acropolis.
54. Then Xerxes, having fully taken possession of Athens, sent to Susa
a mounted messenger to report to Artabanos the good success which they
had. And on the next day after sending the herald he called together
the exiles of the Athenians who were accompanying him, and bade them
go up to the Acropolis and sacrifice the victims after their own
manner; whether it was that he had seen some vision of a dream which
caused him to give this command, or whether perchance he had a scruple
in his mind because he had set fire to the temple. The Athenian exiles
did accordingly that which was commanded them: 55, and the reason why
I made mention of this I will here declare:--there is in this
Acropolis a temple[35] of Erechtheus, who is said to have been born of
the Earth, and in this there is an olive-tree and a sea, which
(according to the story told by the Athenians) Poseidon and Athene,
when they contended for the land, set as witnesses of themselves. Now
it happened to this olive-tree to be set on fire with the rest of the
temple by the Barbarians; and on the next day after the conflagration
those of the Athenians who were commanded by the king to offer
sacrifice, saw when they had gone up to the temple that a shoot had
run up from the stock of the tree about a cubit in length. These then
made report of this.
56. The Hellenes meanwhile at Salamis, when it was announced to them
how it had been as regards the Acropolis of the Athenians, were
disturbed so greatly that some of the commanders did not even wait for
the question to be decided which had been proposed, but began to go
hastily to their ships and to put up their sails, meaning to make off
with speed; and by those of them who remained behind it was finally
decided to fight at sea in defence of the Isthmus. So night came on,
and they having been dismissed from the council were going to their
ships: 57, and when Themistocles had come to his ship, Mnesiphilos an
Athenian asked him what they had resolved; and being informed by him
that it had been determined to take out the ships to the Isthmus and
fight a battle by sea in defence of the Peloponnese, he said: "Then,
if they set sail with the ships from Salamis, thou wilt not fight any
more sea-battles at all for the fatherland, for they will all take
their way to their several cities and neither Eurybiades nor any other
man will be able to detain them or to prevent the fleet from being
dispersed: and Hellas will perish by reason of evil counsels. But if
there by any means, go thou and try to unsettle that which has been
resolved, if perchance thou mayest persuade Eurybiades to change his
plans, so as to stay here." 58. This advice very much commended itself
to Themistocles; and without making any answer he went to the ship of
Eurybiades. Having come thither he said that he desired to communicate
to him a matter which concerned the common good; and Eurybiades bade
him come into his ship and speak, if he desired to say anything. Then
Themistocles sitting down beside him repeated to him all those things
which he had heard Mnesiphilos say, making as if they were his own
thoughts, and adding to them many others; until at last by urgent
request he persuaded him to come out of his ship and gather the
commanders to the council. 59. So when they were gathered together,
before Eurybiades proposed the discussion of the things for which he
had assembled the commanders, Themistocles spoke with much
vehemence[36] being very eager to gain his end; and as he was
speaking, the Corinthian commander, Adeimantos the son of Okytos,
said: "Themistocles, at the games those who stand forth for the
contest before the due time are beaten with rods." He justifying
himself said: "Yes, but those who remain behind are not crowned." 60.
At that time he made answer mildly to the Corinthian; and to
Eurybiades he said not now any of those things which he had said
before, to the effect that if they should set sail from Salamis they
would disperse in different directions; for it was not seemly for him
to bring charges against the allies in their presence: but he held to
another way of reasoning, saying: "Now it is in thy power to save
Hellas, if thou wilt follow my advice, which is to stay here and here
to fight a sea-battle, and if thou wilt not follow the advice of those
among these men who bid thee remove the ships to the Isthmus. For hear
both ways, and then set them in comparison. If thou engage battle at
the Isthmus, thou wilt fight in an open sea, into which it is by no
means convenient for us that we go to fight, seeing that we have ships
which are heavier and fewer in number than those of the enemy. Then
secondly thou wilt give up to destruction Salamis and Megara and
Egina, even if we have success in all else; for with their fleet will
come also the land-army, and thus thou wilt thyself lead them to the
Peloponnese and wilt risk the safety of all Hellas. If however thou
shalt do as I say, thou wilt find therein all the advantages which I
shall tell thee of:--in the first place by engaging in a narrow place
with few ships against many, if the fighting has that issue which it
is reasonable to expect, we shall have very much the better; for to
fight a sea-fight in a narrow space is for our advantage, but to fight
in a wide open space is for theirs. Then again Salamis will be
preserved, whither our children and our wives have been removed for
safety; and moreover there is this also secured thereby, to which ye
are most of all attached, namely that by remaining here thou wilt
fight in defence of the Peloponnese as much as if the fight were at
the Isthmus; and thou wilt not lead the enemy to Peloponnese, if thou
art wise. Then if that which I expect come to pass and we gain a
victory with our ships, the Barbarians will not come to you at the
Isthmus nor will they advance further than Attica, but they will
retire in disorder; and we shall be the gainers by the preservation of
Megara and Egina and Salamis, at which place too an oracle tells us
that we shall get the victory over our enemies.[37] Now when men take
counsel reasonably for themselves, reasonable issues are wont as a
rule to come, but if they do not take counsel reasonably, then God is
not wont generally to attach himself to the judgment of men." 61. When
Themistocles thus spoke, the Corinthian Adeimantos inveighed against
him for the second time, bidding him to be silent because he had no
native land, and urging Eurybiades not to put to the vote the proposal
of one who was a citizen of no city; for he said that Themistocles
might bring opinions before the council if he could show a city
belonging to him, but otherwise not. This objection he made against
him because Athens had been taken and was held by the enemy. Then
Themistocles said many evil things of him and of the Corinthians both,
and declared also that he himself and his countrymen had in truth a
city and a land larger than that of the Corinthians, so long as they
had two hundred ships fully manned; for none of the Hellenes would be
able to repel the Athenians if they came to fight against them. 62.
Signifying this he turned then to Eurybiades and spoke yet more
urgently: "If thou wilt remain here, and remaining here wilt show
thyself a good man, well; but if not, thou wilt bring about the
overthrow of Hellas, for upon the ships depends all our power in the
war. Nay, but do as I advise. If, however, thou shalt not do so, we
shall forthwith take up our households and voyage to Siris in Italy,
which is ours already of old and the oracles say that it is destined
to be colonised by us; and ye, when ye are left alone and deprived of
allies such as we are, will remember my words." 63. When Themistocles
thus spoke, Eurybiades was persuaded to change his mind; and, as I
think, he changed his mind chiefly from fear lest the Athenians should
depart and leave them, if he should take the ships to the Isthmus; for
if the Athenians left them and departed, the rest would be no longer
able to fight with the enemy. He chose then this counsel, to stay in
that place and decide matters there by a sea-fight.
64. Thus those at Salamis, after having skirmished with one another in
speech, were making preparations for a sea-fight there, since
Eurybiades had so determined: and as day was coming on, at the same
time when the sun rose there was an earthquake felt both on the land
and on the sea: and they determined to pray to the gods and to call
upon the sons of Aiacos to be their helpers. And as they had
determined, so also they did; for when they had prayed to all the
gods, they called Ajax and Telamon to their help from Salamis, where
the fleet was,[38] and sent a ship to Egina to bring Aiacos himself
and the rest of the sons of Aiacos.
65. Moreover Dicaios the son of Theokydes, an Athenian, who was an
exile and had become of great repute among the Medes at this time,
declared that when the Attic land was being ravaged by the land-army
of Xerxes, having been deserted by the Athenians, he happened then to
be in company with Demaratos the Lacedemonian in the Thriasian plain;
and he saw a cloud of dust going up from Eleusis, as if made by a
company of about thirty thousand men, and they wondered at the cloud
of dust, by what men it was caused. Then forthwith they heard a sound
of voices, and Dicaios perceived that the sound was the mystic cry
/Iacchos/; but Demaratos, having no knowledge of the sacred rites
which are done at Eleusis, asked him what this was that uttered the
sound, and he said: "Demaratos, it cannot be but that some great
destruction is about to come to the army of the king: for as to this,
it is very manifest, seeing that Attica is deserted, that this which
utters the sound is of the gods, and that it is going from Eleusis to
help the Athenians and their allies: if then it shall come down in the
Peloponnese, there is danger for the king himself and for the army
which is upon the mainland, but if it shall direct its course towards
the ships which are at Salamis, the king will be in danger of losing
his fleet. This feast the Athenians celebrate every year to the Mother
and the Daughter;[39] and he that desires it, both of them and of the
other Hellenes, is initiated in the mysteries; and the sound of voices
which thou hearest is the cry /Iacchos/ which they utter at this
feast." To this Demaratos said: "Keep silence and tell not this tale
to any other man; for if these words of thine be reported to the king,
thou wilt surely lose thy head, and neither I nor any other man upon
earth will be able to save thee: but keep thou quiet, and about this
expedition the gods will provide." He then thus advised, and after the
cloud of dust and the sound of voices there came a mist which was
borne aloft and carried towards Salamis to the camp of the Hellenes:
and thus they learnt (said he) that the fleet of Xerxes was destined
to be destroyed. Such was the report made by Dicaios the son of
Theodykes, appealing to Demaratos and others also as witnesses.
66. Meanwhile those who were appointed to serve in the fleet of
Xerxes, having gazed in Trachis upon the disaster of the Lacedemonians
and having passed over from thence to Histiaia, after staying three
days sailed through Euripos, and in other three days they had reached
Phaleron. And, as I suppose, they made their attack upon Athens not
fewer in number both by land and sea than when they had arrived at
Sepias and at Thermopylai: for against those of them who perished by
reason of the storm and those who were slain at Thermopylai and in the
sea-fights at Artemision, I will set those who at that time were not
yet accompanying the king, the Malians, Dorians, Locrians, and
Bœotians (who accompanied him in a body, except the Thespians and
Plataians), and moreover those of Carystos, Andros, and Tenos, with
all the other islanders except the five cities of which I mentioned
the names before; for the more the Persian advanced towards the centre
of Hellas, the more nations accompanied him.
67. So then, when all these had come to Athens except the Parians (now
the Parians had remained behind at Kythnos waiting to see how the war
would turn out),--when all the rest, I say, had come to Phaleron, then
Xerxes himself came down to the ships desiring to visit them and to
learn the opinions of those who sailed in them: and when he had come
and was set in a conspicuous place, then those who were despots of
their own nations or commanders of divisions being sent for came
before him from their ships, and took their seats as the king had
assigned rank to each one, first the king of Sidon, then he of Tyre,
and after them the rest: and when they were seated in due order,
Xerxes sent Mardonios and inquired, making trial of each one, whether
he should fight a battle by sea. 68. So when Mardonios went round
asking them, beginning with the king of Sidon, the others gave their
opinions all to the same effect, advising him to fight a battle by
sea, but Artemisia spoke these words:--(a) "Tell the king I pray thee,
Mardonios, that I, who have proved myself not to be the worst in the
sea-fights which have been fought near Eubœa, and have displayed deeds
not inferior to those of others, speak to him thus: Master, it is
right that I set forth the opinion which I really have, and say that
which I happen to think best for thy cause: and this I say,--spare thy
ships and do not make a sea-fight; for the men are as much stronger
than thy men by sea, as men are stronger than women. And why must thou
needs run the risk of sea-battles? Hast thou not Athens in thy
possession, for the sake of which thou didst set forth on thy march,
and also the rest of Hellas? and no man stands in thy way to resist,
but those who did stand against thee came off as it was fitting that
they should. (b) Now the manner in which I think the affairs of thy
adversaries will have their issue, I will declare. If thou do not
hasten to make a sea-fight, but keep thy ships here by the land,
either remaining here thyself or even advancing on to the Peloponnese,
that which thou hast come to do, O master, will easily be effected;
for the Hellenes are not able to hold out against thee for any long
time, but thou wilt soon disperse them and they will take flight to
their several cities: since neither have they provisions with them in
this island, as I am informed, nor is it probable that if thou shalt
march thy land-army against the Peloponnese, they who have come from
thence will remain still; for these will have no care to fight a
battle in defence of Athens. (c) If however thou hasten to fight
forthwith, I fear that damage done to the fleet may ruin the land-army
also. Moreover, O king, consider also this, that the servants of good
men are apt to grow bad, but those of bad men good; and thou, who art
of all men the best, hast bad servants, namely those who are reckoned
as allies, Egyptians and Cyprians and Kilikians and Pamphylians, in
whom there is no profit." 69. When she thus spoke to Mardonios, those
who were friendly to Artemisia were grieved at her words, supposing
that she would suffer some evil from the king because she urged him
not to fight at sea; while those who had envy and jealousy of her,
because she had been honoured above all the allies, were rejoiced at
the opposition,[40] supposing that she would now be ruined. When
however the opinions were reported to Xerxes, he was greatly pleased
with the opinion of Artemisia; and whereas even before this he thought
her excellent, he commended her now yet more. Nevertheless he gave
orders to follow the advice of the greater number, thinking that when
they fought by Eubœa they were purposely slack, because he was not
himself present with them, whereas now he had made himself ready to
look on while they fought a sea-battle.
70. So when they passed the word to put out to sea, they brought their
ships out to Salamis and quietly ranged themselves along the shore in
their several positions. At that time the daylight was not sufficient
for them to engage battle, for night had come on; but they made their
preparations to fight on the following day. Meanwhile the Hellenes
were possessed by fear and dismay, especially those who were from
Peloponnese: and these were dismayed because remaining in Salamis they
were to fight a battle on behalf of the land of the Athenians, and
being defeated they would be cut off from escape and blockaded in an
island, leaving their own land unguarded. And indeed the land-army of
the Barbarians was marching forward during that very night towards the
Peloponnese. 71. Yet every means had been taken that the Barbarians
might not be able to enter Peloponnesus by land: for as soon as the
Peloponnesians heard that Leonidas and his company had perished at
Thermopylai, they came together quickly from the cities and took post
at the Isthmus, and over them was set as commander Cleombrotos, the
son of Anaxandrides and brother of Leonidas. These being posted at the
Isthmus had destroyed the Skironian way, and after this (having so
determined in counsel with one another) they began to build a wall
across the Isthmus; and as they were many myriads[41] and every man
joined in the work, the work proceeded fast; for stones and bricks and
pieces of timber and baskets full of sand were carried to it
continually, and they who had thus come to help paused not at all in
their work either by night or by day. 72. Now those of the Hellenes
who came in full force to the Isthmus to help their country were
these,--the Lacedemonians, the Arcadians of every division, the
Eleians, Corinthians, Sikyonians, Epidaurians, Phliasians, Troizenians
and Hermionians. These were they who came to the help of Hellas in her
danger and who had apprehension for her, while the rest of the
Peloponnesians showed no care: and the Olympic and Carneian festivals
had by this time gone by. 73. Now Peloponnesus is inhabited by seven
races; and of these, two are natives of the soil and are settled now
in the place where they dwelt of old, namely the Arcadians and the
Kynurians; and one race, that of the Achaians, though it did not
remove from the Peloponnese, yet removed in former time from its own
land and dwells now in that which was not its own. The remaining
races, four in number, have come in from without, namely the Dorians,
Aitolians, Dryopians and Lemnians. Of the Dorians there are many
cities and of great renown; of the Aitolians, Elis alone; of the
Dryopians, Hermion[42] and Asine, which latter is opposite Cardamyle
in the Laconian land; and of the Lemnians, all the Paroreatai. The
Kynurians, who are natives of the soil, seem alone to be Ionians, but
they have become Dorians completely because they are subject to the
Argives and by lapse of time, being originally citizens of Orneai or
the dwellers in the country round Orneai.[43] Of these seven nations
the remaining cities, except those which I enumerated just now, stood
aside and did nothing; and if one may be allowed to speak freely, in
thus standing aside they were in fact taking the side of the Medes.
74. Those at the Isthmus were struggling with the labour which I have
said, since now they were running a course in which their very being
was at stake, and they did not look to have any brilliant success with
their ships: while those who were at Salamis, though informed of this
work, were yet dismayed, not fearing so much for themselves as for
Peloponnesus. For some time then they spoke of it in private, one man
standing by another, and they marvelled at the ill-counsel of
Eurybiades; but at last it broke out publicly. A meeting accordingly
was held, and much was spoken about the same points as before, some
saying that they ought to sail away to Peloponnesus and run the risk
in defence of that, and not stay and fight for a land which had been
captured by the enemy, while the Athenians, Eginetans and Megarians
urged that they should stay there and defend themselves. 75. Then
Themistocles, when his opinion was like to be defeated by the
Peloponnesians, secretly went forth from the assembly, and having gone
out he sent a man to the encampment of the Medes in a boat, charging
him with that which he must say: this man's name was Sikinnos, and he
was a servant of Themistocles and tutor to his children; and after
these events Themistocles entered him as a Thespian citizen, when the
Thespians were admitting new citizens, and made him a wealthy man. He
at this time came with a boat and said to the commanders of the
Barbarians these words: "The commander of the Athenians sent me
privately without the knowledge of the other Hellenes (for, as it
chances, he is disposed to the cause of the king, and desires rather
that your side should gain the victory than that of the Hellenes), to
inform you that the Hellenes are planning to take flight, having been
struck with dismay; and now it is possible for you to execute a most
noble work, if ye do not permit them to flee away: for they are not of
one mind with one another and they will not stand against you in
fight, but ye shall see them fighting a battle by sea with one
another, those who are disposed to your side against those who are
not." 76. He then having signified to them this, departed out of the
way; and they, thinking that the message deserved credit, landed first
a large number of Persians in the small island of Psyttaleia, which
lies between Salamis and the mainland; and then, as midnight came on,
they put out the Western wing of their fleet to sea, circling round
towards Salamis, and also those stationed about Keos and Kynosura put
out their ships to sea; and they occupied all the passage with their
ships as far as Munychia. And for this reason they put out their
ships, namely in order that the Hellenes might not even be permitted
to get away, but being cut off in Salamis might pay the penalty for
the contests at Artemision: and they disembarked men of the Persians
on the small island called Psyttaleia for this reason, namely that
when the fight should take place, these might save the men of one side
and destroy those of the other, since there especially it was likely
that the men and the wrecks of ships would be cast up on shore, for
the island lay in the way of the sea-fight which was to be. These
things they did in silence, that the enemy might not have information
of them.
77. They then were making their preparations thus in the night without
having taken any sleep at all: and with regard to oracles, I am not
able to make objections against them that they are not true, for I do
not desire to attempt to overthrow the credit of them when they speak
clearly, looking at such matters as these which here follow:
"But when with ships they shall join the sacred strand of the goddess,
Artemis golden-sword-girded, and thee, wave-washed Kynosura,
Urged by a maddening hope,[44] having given rich Athens to plunder,
Then shall Justice divine quell Riot, of Insolence first-born,[45]
Longing to overthrow all things[46] and terribly panting for bloodhshed:
Brass shall encounter with brass, and Ares the sea shall empurple,
Tinging its waves with the blood: then a day of freedom for Hellas
Cometh from wide-seeing Zeus[47] and from Victory, lady and mother."[48]
Looking to such things as this, and when Bakis speaks so clearly, I do
not venture myself to make any objections about oracles, nor can I
admit them from others.
78. Now between the commanders that were at Salamis there came to be
great contention of speech and they did not yet know that the
Barbarians were surrounding them with their ships, but they thought
that they were still in their place as they saw them disposed in the
day. 79. Then while the commanders were engaged in strife, there came
over from Egina Aristeides the son of Lysimachos, an Athenian who had
been ostracised by the people, a man whom I hold (according to that
which I hear of his character) to have been the best and most upright
of all Athenians. This man came into the council and called forth
Themistocles, who was to him not a friend, but an enemy to the last
degree; but because of the greatness of the present troubles he let
those matters be forgotten and called him forth, desiring to
communicate with him. Now he had heard beforehand that the
Peloponnesians were pressing to take the ships away to the Isthmus. So
when Themistocles came forth to him, Aristeides spoke these words:
"Both at other times when occasion arises, and also especially at this
time we ought to carry on rivalry as to which of us shall do more
service to our country. And I tell thee now that it is indifferent
whether the Peloponnesians say many words or few about sailing away
from hence; for having been myself an eye-witness I tell thee that now
not even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself desire to sail out,
will they be able; for we are encompassed round by the enemy. Go thou
in then, and signify this to them." 80. He made answer as follows:
"Thou advisest very well,[49] and also the news which thou hast
brought is good, since thou art come having witnessed with thine own
eyes that which I desired might come to pass: for know that this which
is being done by the Medes is of my suggestion; because, when the
Hellenes would not come to a battle of their own will, it was
necessary to bring them over to us against their will. Do thou
however, since thou art come bearing good news, thyself report it to
them; for if I say these things, I shall be thought to speak that
which I have myself invented, and I shall not persuade them, but they
will think that the Barbarians are not doing so. Do thou thyself
however come forward to speak, and declare to them how things are; and
when thou hast declared this, if they are persuaded, that will be the
best thing, but if this is not credible to them, it will be the same
thing so far as concerns us, for they will no longer be able to take
to flight, if we are encompassed on all sides, as thou sayest." 81.
Aristeides accordingly came forward and told them this, saying that he
had come from Egina and had with difficulty escaped without being
perceived by those who were blockading them; for the whole encampment
of the Hellenes was encompassed by the ships of Xerxes; and he
counselled them to get ready to defend themselves. He then having thus
spoken retired, and among them again there arose dispute, for the
greater number of the commanders did not believe that which was
reported to them: 83, and while these were doubting, there came a
trireme manned by Tenians, deserting from the enemy, of which the
commander was Panaitios the son of Sosimenes, which brought them the
whole truth. For this deed the Tenians were inscribed at Delphi on the
tripod among those who had conquered the Barbarians. With the ship
which deserted at Salamis and the Lemnian ship which deserted before
and came to Artemision, the naval force of the Hellenes was completed
to the number of three hundred and eighty ships, for before this two
ships were yet wanting to make up this number.
83. The Hellenes then, since they believed that which was said by the
Tenians, were preparing for a sea-fight: and as the dawn appeared,
they made an assembly of those who fought on board the ships[50] and
addressed them, Themistocles making a speech which was eloquent beyond
the rest; and the substance of it was to set forth all that is better
as opposed to that which is worse, of the several things which arise
in the nature and constitution of man; and having exhorted them to
choose the better,[51] and thus having wound up his speech, he bade
them embark in their ships. These then proceeded to embark, and there
came in meanwhile the trireme from Egina which had gone away to bring
the sons of Aiacos. 84. Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and
while they were putting out from shore, the Barbarians attacked them
forthwith. Now the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were
about to run them aground, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put
forth with his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his ship being
entangled in combat and the men not being able to get away, the others
joined in the fight to assist Ameinias. The Athenians say that the
beginning of the battle was made thus, but the Eginetans say that the
ship which went away to Egina to bring the sons of Aiacos was that
which began the fight. It is also reported that an apparition of a
woman was seen by them, and that having appeared she encouraged them
to the fight so that the whole of the army of the Hellenes heard it,
first having reproached them in these words: "Madmen,[52] how far will
ye yet back your ships?"
85. Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phenicians, for these
occupied the wing towards Eleusis and the West, and opposite the
Lacedemonians were the Ionians, who occupied the wing which extended
to the East and to Piræus. Of them however a few were purposely slack
in the fight according to the injunctions of Themistocles,[53] but the
greater number were not so. I might mention now the names of many
captains of ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make
no use of their names except in the case of Theomestor, the son of
Androdamas and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both: and for
this reason I make mention of these and not of the rest, because
Theomestor on account of this deed became despot of Samos, appointed
by the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of the king
and received much land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king
are called in the Persian tongue /orosangai/. 86. Thus it was with
these; but the greater number of their ships were disabled at Salamis,
being destroyed some by the Athenians and others by the Eginetans: for
since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in their places, while
the Barbarians were no longer ranged in order nor did anything with
design, it was likely that there would be some such result as in fact
followed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves much more than
when they fought by Eubœa, every one being eager and fearing Xerxes,
and each man thinking that the king was looking especially at him. 87.
As regards the rest I cannot speak of them separately, or say
precisely how the Barbarians or the Hellenes individually contended in
the fight; but with regard to Artemisia that which happened was this,
whence she gained yet more esteem than before from the king.--When the
affairs of the king had come to great confusion, at this crisis a ship
of Artemisia was being pursued by an Athenian ship; and as she was not
able to escape, for in front of her were other ships of her own side,
while her ship, as it chanced, was furthest advanced towards the
enemy, she resolved what she would do, and it proved also much to her
advantage to have done so. While she was being pursued by the Athenian
ship she charged with full career against a ship of her own side
manned by Calyndians and in which the king of the Calyndians
Damasithymos was embarked. Now, even though it be true that she had
had some strife with him before, while they were still about the
Hellespont, yet I am not able to say whether she did this by
intention, or whether the Calyndian ship happened by chance to fall in
her way. Having charged against it however and sunk it, she enjoyed
good fortune and got for herself good in two ways; for first the
captain of the Athenian ship, when he saw her charge against a ship
manned by Barbarians, turned away and went after others, supposing
that the ship of Artemisia was either a Hellenic ship or was deserting
from the Barbarians and fighting for the Hellenes, 88,--first, I say,
it was her fortune to have this, namely to escape and not suffer
destruction; and then secondly it happened that though she had done
mischief, she yet gained great reputation by this thing with Xerxes.
For it is said that the king looking on at the fight perceived that
her ship had charged the other; and one of those present said:
"Master, dost thou see Artemisia, how well she is fighting, and how
she sank even now a ship of the enemy?" He asked whether this was in
truth the deed of Artemisia, and they said that it was; for (they
declared) they knew very well the sign of her ship: and that which was
destroyed they thought surely was one of the enemy; for besides other
things which happened fortunately for her, as I have said, there was
this also, namely that not one of the crew of the Calyndian ship
survived to become her accuser. And Xerxes in answer to that which was
said to him is reported to have uttered these words: "My men have
become women, and my women men." Thus it is said that Xerxes spoke.
89. And meanwhile in this struggle there was slain the commander
Ariabignes, son of Dareios and brother of Xerxes, and there were slain
too many others of note of the Persians and Medes and also of the
allies; and of the Hellenes on their part a few; for since they knew
how to swim, those whose ships were destroyed and who were not slain
in hand-to-hand conflict swam over to Salamis; but of the Barbarians
the greater number perished in the sea, not being able to swim. And
when the first ships turned to flight, then it was that the largest
number perished, for those who were stationed behind, while
endeavouring to pass with their ships to the front in order that they
also might display some deed of valour for the king to see, ran into
the ships of their own side as they fled.
90. It happened also in the course of this confusion that some of the
Phenicians, whose ships had been destroyed, came to the king and
accused the Ionians, saying that by means of them their ships had been
lost, and that they had been traitors to the cause. Now it so came
about that not only the commanders of the Ionians did not lose their
lives, but the Phenicians who accused them received a reward such as I
shall tell. While these men were yet speaking thus, a Samothrakian
ship charged against an Athenian ship: and as the Athenian ship was
being sunk by it, an Eginetan ship came up against the Samothrakian
vessel and ran it down. Then the Samothrakians, being skilful javelin-
throwers, by hurling cleared off the fighting-men from the ship which
had wrecked theirs and then embarked upon it and took possession of
it. This event saved the Ionians from punishment; for when Xerxes saw
that they had performed a great exploit, he turned to the Phenicians
(for he was exceedingly vexed and disposed to find fault with all) and
bade cut off their heads, in order that they might not, after having
been cowards themselves, accuse others who were better men than they.
For whensoever Xerxes (sitting just under the mountain opposite
Salamis, which is called Aigaleos) saw any one of his own side display
a deed of valour in the sea-fight, he inquired about him who had done
it, and the scribes recorded the name of the ship's captain with that
of his father and the city from whence he came. Moreover also
Ariaramnes, a Persian who was present, shared[54] the fate of the
Phenicians, being their friend. They[55] then proceeded to deal with
the Phenicians.
91. In the meantime, as the Barbarians turned to flight and were
sailing out towards Phaleron, the Eginetans waited for them in the
passage and displayed memorable actions: for while the Athenians in
the confused tumult were disabling both those ships which resisted and
those which were fleeing, the Eginetans were destroying those which
attempted to sail away; and whenever any escaped the Athenians, they
went in full course and fell among the Eginetans. 92. Then there met
one another the ship of Themistocles, which was pursuing a ship of the
enemy, and that of Polycritos the son of Crios the Eginetan. This last
had charged against a ship of Sidon, the same that had taken the
Eginetan vessel which was keeping watch in advance at Skiathos,[56]
and in which sailed Pytheas the son of Ischenoös, whom the Persians
kept in their ship, all cut to pieces as he was, making a marvel of
his valour. The Sidonian ship then was captured bearing with it this
man as well as the Persians of whom I spoke, so that Pytheas thus came
safe to Egina. Now when Polycritos looked at the Athenian vessel he
recognised when he saw it the sign of the admiral's ship, and shouting
out he addressed Themistocles with mockery about the accusation
brought against the Eginetans of taking the side of the Medes,[57] and
reproached him. This taunt Polycritos threw out against Themistocles
after he had charged against the ship of Sidon. And meanwhile those
Barbarians whose ships had escaped destruction fled and came to
Phaleron to be under cover of the land-army.
93. In this sea-fight the Eginetans were of all the Hellenes the best
reported of, and next to them the Athenians; and of the individual men
the Eginetan Polycritos and the Athenians Eumenes of Anagyrus and
Ameinias of Pallene, the man who had pursued after Artemisia. Now if
he had known that Artemisia was sailing in this ship, he would not
have ceased until either he had taken her or had been taken himself;
for orders had been given to the Athenian captains, and moreover a
prize was offered of ten thousand drachmas for the man who should take
her alive; since they thought it intolerable that a woman should make
an expedition against Athens. She then, as has been said before, had
made her escape; and the others also, whose ships had escaped
destruction, were at Phaleron.
94. As regards Adeimantos the commander of the Corinthians, the
Athenians say that forthwith at the beginning when the ships were
engaging in the fight, being struck with panic and terror he put up
his sails and fled away; and the Corinthians, when they saw the
admiral's ship fleeing, departed likewise: and after this, as the
story goes, when they came in their flight opposite to the temple of
Athene Skiras in the land of Salamis, there fell in with them by
divine guidance a light vessel,[58] which no one was ever found to
have sent, and which approached the Corinthians at a time when they
knew nothing of that which was happening with the fleet. And by this
it is conjectured[59] that the matter was of the Deity; for when they
came near to the ships, the men in the light vessel said these words:
"Adeimantos, thou hast turned thy ships away and hast set forth to
flee, deserting the cause of the Hellenes, while they are in truth
gaining a victory and getting the better of their foes as much as they
desired." When they said this, since Adeimantos doubted of it, they
spoke a second time and said that they might be taken as hostages and
slain, if the Hellenes should prove not to be gaining the victory.
Then he turned his ship back, he and the others with him, and they
reached the camp when the work was finished. Such is the report spread
by the Athenians against these: the Corinthians however do not allow
this to be so, but hold that they were among the first in the sea-
fight; and the rest of Hellas also bears witness on their side.
95. Aristeides moreover the son of Lysimachos, the Athenian, of whom I
made mention also shortly before this as a very good man, he in this
tumult which had arisen about Salamis did as follows:--taking with him
a number of the hoplites of Athenian race who had been ranged along
the shore of the land of Salamis, with them he disembarked on the
island of Psyttaleia; and these slew all the Persians who were in this
islet.
96. When the sea-fight had been broken off, the Hellenes towed in to
Salamis so many of the wrecks as chanced to be still about there, and
held themselves ready for another sea-fight, expecting that the king
would yet make use of the ships which remained unhurt; but many of the
wrecks were taken by the West Wind and borne to that strand in Attica
which is called Colias; so as to fulfil[60] not only all that other
oracle which was spoken about this sea-fight by Bakis and Musaios, but
also especially, with reference to the wrecks cast up here, that which
had been spoken in an oracle many years before these events by
Lysistratos, an Athenian who uttered oracles, and which had not been
observed by any of the Hellenes:
"Then shall the Colian women with firewood of oars roast barley."[61]
This was destined to come to pass after the king had marched away.
97. When Xerxes perceived the disaster which had come upon him, he
feared lest some one of the Ionians should suggest to the Hellenes, or
they should themselves form the idea, to sail to the Hellespont and
break up the bridges; and so he might be cut off in Europe and run the
risk of perishing utterly: therefore he began to consider about taking
flight. He desired however that his intention should not be perceived
either by the Hellenes or by those of his own side; therefore he
attempted to construct a mole going across to Salamis, and he bound
together Phenician merchant vessels in order that they might serve him
both for a bridge and a wall, and made preparations for fighting as if
he were going to have another battle by sea. Seeing him do so, all the
rest made sure that he had got himself ready in earnest and intended
to stay and fight; but Mardonios did not fail to perceive the true
meaning of all these things, being by experience very well versed in
his way of thinking.
98. While Xerxes was doing thus, he sent a messenger to the Persians,
to announce the calamity which had come upon them. Now there is
nothing mortal which accomplishes a journey with more speed than these
messengers, so skilfully has this been invented by the Persians: for
they say that according to the number of days of which the entire
journey consists, so many horses and men are set at intervals, each
man and horse appointed for a day's journey. These neither snow nor
rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents from accomplishing each
one the task proposed to him, with the very utmost speed. The first
then rides and delivers the message with which he is charged to the
second, and the second to the third; and after that it goes through
them handed from one to the other,[62] as in the torch-race among the
Hellenes, which they perform for Hephaistos. This kind of running of
their horses the Persians call /angareion/. 99. The first message then
which came to Susa, announcing that Xerxes had Athens in his
possession, so greatly rejoiced the Persians who had been left behind,
that they strewed all the ways with myrtle boughs and offered incense
perpetually, and themselves continued in sacrifices and feasting. The
second message however, which came to them after this, so greatly
disturbed them that they all tore their garments and gave themselves
up to crying and lamentation without stint, laying the blame upon
Mardonios: and this the Persians did not so much because they were
grieved about the ships, as because they feared for Xerxes himself.
100. As regards the Persians this went on for all the time which
intervened, until the coming of Xerxes himself caused them to cease:
and Mardonios seeing that Xerxes was greatly troubled by reason of the
sea-fight, and suspecting that he was meaning to take flight from
Athens, considered with regard to himself that he would have to suffer
punishment for having persuaded the king to make an expedition against
Hellas, and that it was better for him to run the risk of either
subduing Hellas or ending his own life honourably, placing his safety
in suspense for a great end,[63] though his opinion was rather that he
would subdue Hellas;--he reckoned up these things, I say, and
addressed his speech to the king as follows: "Master, be not thou
grieved, nor feel great trouble on account of this thing which has
come to pass; for it is not upon a contest of timbers that all our
fortunes depend, but of men and of horses: and none of these who
suppose now that all has been achieved by them will attempt to
disembark from the ships and stand against thee, nor will any in this
mainland do so; but those who did stand against us paid the penalty.
If therefore thou thinkest this good to do, let us forthwith attempt
the Peloponnese, or if thou thinkest good to hold back, we may do
that. Do not despond however, for there is no way of escape for the
Hellenes to avoid being thy slaves, after they have first given an
account of that which they did to thee both now and at former times.
Thus it were best to do; but if thou hast indeed resolved to retire
thyself and to withdraw thy army, I have another counsel to offer for
that case too. Do not thou, O king, let the Persians be an object of
laughter to the Hellenes; for none of thy affairs have suffered by
means of the Persians, nor wilt thou be able to mention any place
where we proved ourselves cowards: but if Phenicians or Egyptians or
Cyprians or Kilikians proved themselves cowards, the calamity which
followed does not belong to the Persians in any way. Now therefore,
since it is not the Persians who are guilty towards thee, follow my
counsel. If thou hast determined not to remain here, retire thou to
thine own abode, taking with thee the main body of the army, and it
must then be for me to deliver over to thee Hellas reduced to
subjection, choosing for this purpose thirty myriads[64] from the
army." 101. Hearing this Xerxes was rejoiced and delighted so far as
he might be after his misfortunes,[65] and to Mardonios he said that
when he had taken counsel he would reply and say which of these two
things he would do. So when he was taking counsel with those of the
Persians who were called to be his advisers,[66] it seemed good to him
to send for Artemisia also to give him counsel, because at the former
time she alone had showed herself to have perception of that which
ought to be done. So when Artemisia had come, Xerxes removed from him
all the rest, both the Persian councillors and also the spearmen of
the guard and spoke to her thus: "Mardonios bids me stay here and make
an attempt on the Peloponnese, saying that the Persians and the land-
army are not guilty of any share in my calamity, and that they would
gladly give me proof of this. He bids me therefore either do this or,
if not, he desires himself to choose thirty myriads from the army and
to deliver over to me Hellas reduced to subjection; and he bids me
withdraw with the rest of the army to my own abode. Do thou therefore,
as thou didst well advise about the sea-fight which was fought, urging
that we should not bring it on, so also now advise me which of these
things I shall do, that I may succeed in determining well." 102. He
thus consulted her, and she spoke these words: "O king, it is hard for
me to succeed in saying the best things when one asks me for counsel;
yet it seems good to me at the present that thou shouldest retire back
and leave Mardonios here, if he desires it and undertakes to do this,
together with those whom he desires to have: for on the one hand if he
subdue those whom he says that he desires to subdue, and if those
matters succeed well which he has in mind when he thus speaks, the
deed will after all be thine, master, seeing that thy slaves achieved
it: and on the other hand if the opposite shall come to pass of that
which Mardonios intends, it will be no great misfortune, seeing that
thou wilt thyself remain safe, and also the power in those parts[67]
which concerns thy house:[68] for if thou shalt remain safe with thy
house, many contests many times over repeated will the Hellenes have
to pass through for their own existence.[69] Of Mardonios however, if
he suffer any disaster, no account will be made; and if the Hellenes
conquer they gain a victory which is no victory, having destroyed one
who is but thy slave. Thou however wilt retire having done that for
which thou didst make thy march, that is to say, having delivered
Athens to the fire."
103. With this advice Xerxes was greatly delighted, since she
succeeded in saying that very thing which he himself was meaning to
do: for not even if all the men and all the women in the world had
been counselling him to remain, would he have done so, as I think, so
much had he been struck with terror. He commended Artemisia therefore
and sent her away to conduct his sons to Ephesos, for there were
certain bastard sons of his which accompanied him. 104. With these
sons he sent Hermotimos to have charge of them, who was by race of
Pedasa and was in the estimation of the king second to none of the
eunuchs. [Now the Pedasians dwell above Halicarnassos, and at this
Pedasa a thing happens as follows:--whenever to the whole number of
those who dwell about this city some trouble is about to come within a
certain time, then the priestess of Athene in that place gets a long
beard; and this has happened to them twice before now. 105. Of these
Pedasians was Hermotimos.][70] And this man of all persons whom we
know up to this time obtained the greatest revenge for a wrong done to
him. For he had been captured by enemies and was being sold, and
Panionios a man of Chios bought him, one who had set himself to gain
his livelihood by the most impious practices; for whenever he obtained
boys who possessed some beauty, he would make eunuchs of them, and
then taking them to Sardis or Ephesos sold them for large sums of
money, since with the Barbarians eunuchs are held to be of more value
for all matters of trust than those who are not eunuchs. Panionios
then, I say, made eunuchs of many others, since by this he got his
livelihood, and also of this man about whom I speak: and Hermotimos,
being not in everything unfortunate, was sent from Sardis to the king
with other gifts, and as time went on he came to be honoured more than
all the other eunuchs in the sight of Xerxes. 106. And when the king,
being at that time in Sardis, was setting the Persian army in motion
to march against Athens, then Hermotimos, having gone down for some
business to that part of Mysia which the Chians occupy and which is
called Atarneus, found there Panionios: and having recognised him he
spoke to him many friendly words, first recounting to him all the good
things which he had by his means, and next making promises in return
for this, and saying how many good things he would do for him, if he
would bring his household and dwell in that land; so that Panionios
gladly accepting his proposals brought his children and his wife.
Then, when he had caught him together with his whole house, Hermotimos
spoke as follows: "O thou, who of all men that ever lived up to this
time didst gain thy substance by the most impious deeds, what evil did
either I myself or any of my forefathers do either to thee or to any
of thine, that thou didst make me to be that which is nought instead
of a man? Didst thou suppose that thou wouldest escape the notice of
the gods for such things as then thou didst devise? They however
following the rule of justice delivered[71] thee into my hands, since
thou hadst done impious deeds; so that thou shalt not have reason to
find fault with the penalty which shall be inflicted upon thee by me."
When he had thus reproached him, the man's sons were brought into his
presence and Panionios was compelled to make eunuchs of his own sons,
who were four in number, and being compelled he did so; and then when
he had so done, the sons were compelled to do the same thing to him.
Thus vengeance by the hands of Hermotimos[72] overtook Panionios.
107. When Xerxes had entrusted his sons to Artemisia to carry them
back to Ephesos, he called Mardonios and bade him choose of the army
whom he would, and make his deeds, if possible, correspond to his
words. During this day then things went so far; and in the night on
the command of the king the leaders of the fleet began to withdraw
their ships from Phaleron to the Hellespont, as quickly as they might
each one, to guard the bridges for the king to pass over. And when the
Barbarians were near Zoster as they sailed, then seeing the small
points of rock which stretch out to sea from this part of the
mainland, they thought that these were ships and fled for a good
distance. In time however, perceiving that they were not ships but
points of rock, they assembled together again and continued on their
voyage.
108. When day dawned, the Hellenes, seeing that the land-army was
staying still in its place, supposed that the ships also were about
Phaleron; and thinking that they would fight another sea-battle, they
made preparations to repel them. When however they were informed that
the ships had departed, forthwith upon this they thought it good to
pursue after them. They pursued therefore as far as Andros, but did
not get a sight of the fleet of Xerxes; and when they had come to
Andros, they deliberated what they should do. Themistocles then
declared as his opinion that they should take their course through the
islands and pursue after the ships, and afterwards sail straight to
the Hellespont to break up the bridges; but Eurybiades expressed the
opposite opinion to this, saying that if they should break up the
floating-bridges, they would therein do[73] the greatest possible evil
to Hellas: for if the Persian should be cut off and compelled to
remain in Europe, he would endeavour not to remain still, since if he
remained still, neither could any of his affairs go forward, nor would
any way of returning home appear; but his army would perish of hunger:
whereas if he made the attempt and persevered in it, all Europe might
be brought over to him, city by city and nation by nation, the
inhabitants being either conquered[74] or surrendering on terms before
they were conquered: moreover they would have for food the crops of
the Hellenes which grew year by year. He thought however that
conquered in the sea-fight the Persian would not stay in Europe, and
therefore he might be allowed to flee until in his flight he came to
his own land. Then after that they might begin the contest for the
land which belonged to the Persian. To this opinion the commanders of
the other Peloponnesians adhered also. 109. When Themistocles
perceived that he would not be able to persuade them, or at least the
greater number of them, to sail to the Hellespont, he changed his
counsel[75] and turning to the Athenians (for these were grieved most
at the escape of the enemy and were anxious to sail to the Hellespont
even by themselves alone,[76] if the others were not willing) to them
he spoke as follows: "I myself also have been present before now on
many occasions, and have heard of many more, on which something of
this kind came to pass, namely that men who were forced into great
straits, after they had been defeated fought again and repaired their
former disaster: and as for us, since we have won as a prize from
fortune the existence of ourselves and of Hellas by repelling from our
land so great a cloud of men, let us not pursue enemies who flee from
us: for of these things not we were the doors, but the gods and
heroes, who grudged that one man should become king of both Asia and
of Europe, and he a man unholy and presumptuous, one who made no
difference between things sacred and things profane,[77] burning and
casting down the images of the gods, and who also scourged the Sea and
let down into it fetters. But as things are at present, it is well
that we should now remain in Hellas and look after ourselves and our
households; and let each man repair his house, and have a care for
sowing his land, after he has completely driven away the Barbarian:
and then at the beginning of the spring let us sail down towards the
Hellespont and Ionia." Thus he spoke, intending to lay up for himself
a store of gratitude with the Persian, in order that if after all any
evil should come upon him at the hands of the Athenians, he might have
a place of refuge: and this was in fact that which came to pass.
110. Themistocles then speaking thus endeavoured to deceive them, and
the Athenians followed his advice: for he had had the reputation even
in former times of being a man of ability[78] and he had now proved
himself to be in truth both able and of good judgment; therefore they
were ready in every way to follow his advice when he spoke. So when
these had been persuaded by him, forthwith after this Themistocles
sent men with a vessel, whom he trusted to keep silence, to whatever
test they might be brought, of that which he himself charged them to
tell the king; and of them Sikinnos his servant again was one. When
these came to Attica, the rest stayed behind in the ship, while
Sikinnos went up to Xerxes and spoke these words: "Themistocles the
son of Neocles sent me, who is commander of the Athenians, and of all
the allies the best and ablest man, to tell thee that Themistocles the
Athenian, desiring to be of service to thee, held back the Hellenes
when they were desirous to pursue after thy ships and to destroy the
bridges on the Hellespont. Now therefore thou mayest make thy way home
quite undisturbed." They having signified this sailed away again.
111. The Hellenes meanwhile, having resolved not to pursue after the
ships of the Barbarians further, nor to sail to the Hellespont to
break up the passage, were investing Andros intending to take it: for
the Andrians were the first of the islanders who, being asked by
Themistocles for money, refused to give it: and when Themistocles made
proposals to them and said that the Athenians had come having on their
side two great deities, Persuasion and Compulsion, and therefore they
must by all means give them money, they replied to this that not
without reason, as it now appeared, was Athens great and prosperous,
since the Athenians were well supplied with serviceable deities; but
as for the Andrians, they were poor,[79] having in this respect
attained to the greatest eminence, and there were two unprofitable
deities which never left their island but always remained attached to
the place, Poverty, namely, and Helplessness: and the Andrians being
possessed of these deities would not give money; for never could the
power of the Athenians get the better of their inability.[80] 112.
These, I say, having thus made answer and having refused to give the
money, were being besieged: and Themistocles not ceasing in his desire
for gain sent threatening messages to the other islands and asked them
for money by the same envoys, employing those whom he had before sent
to the king;[81] and he said that if they did not give that which was
demanded of them, he would bring the fleet of the Hellenes against
them to besiege and take them. Thus saying he collected great sums of
money from the Carystians and the Parians, who being informed how
Andros was being besieged, because it had taken the side of the Medes,
and how Themistocles was held in more regard than any of the other
commanders, sent money for fear of this. Whether any others of the
islanders also gave money I am not able to say, but I think that some
others gave and not these alone. Yet to the Carystians at least there
was no respite from the evil on this account, but the Parians escaped
the attack, because they propitiated Themistocles with money. Thus
Themistocles with Andros as his starting-point was acquiring sums of
money for himself from the men of the islands without the knowledge of
the other commanders.
113. Xerxes meanwhile with his army stayed for a few days after the
sea-fight, and then they all began to march forth towards Bœotia by
the same way by which they had come: for Mardonios thought both that
it was well for him to escort the king on his way, and also that it
was now too late in the year to carry on the war; it was better, he
thought, to winter in Thessaly and then at the beginning of spring to
attempt the Peloponnese. When he came to Thessaly, then Mardonios
chose out for himself first all those Persians who are called
"Immortals," except only their commander Hydarnes (for Hydarnes said
that he would not be left behind by the king), and after them of the
other Persians those who wore cuirasses, and the body of a thousand
horse: also the Medes, Sacans, Bactrians and Indians, foot and
horsemen both.[82] These nations he chose in the mass,[83] but from
the other allies he selected by few at a time, choosing whose who had
fine appearance of those of whom he knew that they had done good
service. From the Persians he chose more than from any other single
nation, and these wore collars of twisted metal and bracelets; and
after them came the Medes, who in fact were not inferior in number to
the Persians, but only in bodily strength. The result was that there
were thirty myriads in all, including cavalry.
114. During this time, while Mardonios was selecting his army and
Xerxes was in Thessaly, there had come an oracle from Delphi to the
Lacedemonians, bidding them ask satisfaction from Xerxes for the
murder of Leonidas and accept that which should be given by him. The
Spartans therefore sent a herald as quickly as possible, who having
found the whole army still in Thessaly came into the presence of
Xerxes and spoke these words: "O king of the Medes, the Lacedemonians
and the sons of Heracles of Sparta demand of thee satisfaction for
murder, because thou didst kill their king, fighting in defence of
Hellas." He laughed and then kept silence some time, and after that
pointing to Mardonios, who happened to be standing by him, he said:
"Then Mardonios here shall give them satisfaction, such as is fitting
for them to have." 115. The herald accordingly accepted the utterance
and departed; and Xerxes leaving Mardonios in Thessaly went on himself
in haste to the Hellespont and arrived at the passage where the
crossing was in five-and-thirty days, bringing back next to nothing,
as one may say,[84] of his army: and whithersoever they came on the
march and to whatever nation, they seized the crops of that people and
used them for provisions; and if they found no crops, then they took
the grass which was growing up from the earth, and stripped off the
bark from the trees and plucked down the leaves and devoured them,
alike of the cultivated trees and of those growing wild; and they left
nothing behind them: thus they did by reason of famine. Then plague
too seized upon the army and dysentery, which destroyed them by the
way, and some of them also who were sick the king left behind, laying
charge upon the cities where at the time he chanced to be in his
march, to take care of them and support them: of these he left some in
Thessaly, and some at Siris in Paionia, and some in Macedonia. In
these parts too he had left behind him the sacred chariot of Zeus,
when he was marching against Hellas; but on his return he did not
receive it back: for the Paionians had given it to the Thracians, and
when Xerxes asked for it again, they said that the mares while at
pasture had been carried off by the Thracians of the upper country,
who dwelt about the source of the Strymon. 116. Here also a Thracian,
the king of the Bisaltians and of the Crestonian land, did a deed of
surpassing horror; for he had said that he would not himself be
subject to Xerxes with his own will and had gone away up to Mount
Rhodope, and also he had forbidden his sons to go on the march against
Hellas. They however, either because they cared not for his command,
or else because a desire came upon them to see the war, went on the
march with the Persian: and when they returned all unhurt, being six
in number, their father plucked out their eyes for this cause. 117.
They then received this reward: and as to the Persians, when passing
on from Thrace they came to the passage, they crossed over the
Hellespont in haste to Abydos by means of the ships, for they did not
find the floating-bridges still stretched across but broken up by a
storm. While staying there for a time they had distributed to them an
allowance of food more abundant than they had had by the way, and from
satisfying their hunger without restraint and also from the changes of
water there died many of those in the army who had remained safe till
then. The rest arrived with Xerxes at Sardis.
118. There is also another story reported as follows, namely that when
Xerxes on his march away from Athens came to Eïon on the Strymon, from
that point he did not continue further to make marches by road, but
delivered his army to Hydarnes to lead back to the Hellespont, while
he himself embarked in a Phenician ship and set forth for Asia; and as
he sailed he was seized by a wind from the Strymon,[85] violent and
raising great waves; and since he was tossed by the storm more and
more, the ship being heavily laden (for there were upon the deck great
numbers of Persians, those namely who went with Xerxes), the king upon
that falling into fear shouted aloud and asked the pilot whether there
were for them any means of safety. He said: "Master, there are none,
unless some way be found of freeing ourselves of the excessive number
of passengers." Then it is said that Xerxes, when he heard this, spoke
thus: "Persians, now let each one of you show that he has care for the
king; for my safety, as it seems, depends upon you." He, they say,
thus spoke, and they made obeisance to him and leapt out into the sea;
and so the ship being lightened came safe to Asia. As soon as they had
landed Xerxes, they say, first presented the pilot with a wreath of
gold, because he had saved the life of the king, and then cut off his
head, because he had caused the death of many of the Persians. 119.
This other story, I say, is reported about the return of Xerxes, but I
for my part can by no means believe it, either in other respects or as
regards this which is said to have happened to the Persians; for if
this which I have related had in truth been said by the pilot to
Xerxes, not one person's opinion in ten thousand will differ from mine
that the king would have done some such thing as this, that is to say,
he would have caused those who were upon the deck to go down below
into the hold, seeing that they were Persians of the highest rank
among the Persians; and of the rowers, who were Phenicians, he would
have thrown out into the sea a number equal to the number of those. In
fact however, as I have said before, he made his return to Asia
together with the rest of the army by road. 120. And this also which
follows is a strong witness that it was so; for Xerxes is known to
have come to Abdera on his way back, and to have made with them a
guest-friendship and presented them with a Persian sword of gold and a
gold-spangled tiara: and as the men of Abdera themselves say (though I
for my part can by no means believe it), he loosed his girdle for the
first time during his flight back from Athens, considering himself to
be in security. Now Abdera is situated further towards the Hellespont
than the river Strymon and Eïon, from which place the story says that
he embarked in the ship.
121. The Hellenes meanwhile, when it proved that they were not able to
conquer Andros, turned towards Carystos, and having laid waste the
land of that people they departed and went to Salamis. First then for
the gods they chose out first-fruits of the spoil, and among them
three Persian triremes, one to be dedicated as an offering at the
Isthmus, which remained there still up to my time, another at Sunion,
and the third to Ajax in Salamis where they were. After this they
divided the spoil among themselves and sent the first-fruits[86] to
Delphi, of which was made a statue holding in its hand the beak of a
ship and in height measuring twelve cubits. This statue stood in the
same place with the golden statue of Alexander the Macedonian. 122.
Then when the Hellenes had sent first-fruits to Delphi, they asked the
god on behalf of all whether the first-fruits which he had received
were fully sufficient and acceptable to him. He said that from the
Hellenes he had received enough, but not from the Eginetans, and from
them he demanded the offering of their prize of valour for the sea-
fight at Salamis. Hearing this the Eginetans dedicated golden stars,
three in number, upon a ship's mast of bronze, which are placed in the
corner[87] close to the mixing-bowl of Crœsus. 123. After the division
of the spoil the Hellenes sailed to the Isthmus, to give the prize of
valour to him who of all the Hellenes had proved himself the most
worthy during this war: and when they had come thither and the
commanders distributed[88] their votes at the altar of Poseidon,
selecting from the whole number the first and the second in merit,
then every one of them gave in his vote for himself, each man thinking
that he himself had been the best; but for the second place the
greater number of votes came out in agreement, assigning that to
Themistocles. They then were left alone in their votes, while
Themistocles in regard to the second place surpassed the rest by far:
124, and although the Hellenes would not give decision of this by
reason of envy, but sailed away each to their own city without
deciding, yet Themistocles was loudly reported of and was esteemed
throughout Hellas to be the man who was the ablest[89] by far of the
Hellenes: and since he had not received honour from those who had
fought at Salamis, although he was the first in the voting, he went
forthwith after this to Lacedemon, desiring to receive honour there;
and the Lacedemonians received him well and gave him great honours. As
a prize of valour they gave to Eurybiades a wreath of olive; and for
ability and skill they gave to Themistocles also a wreath of olive,
and presented him besides with the chariot which was judged to be the
best in Sparta. So having much commended him, they escorted him on his
departure with three hundred picked men of the Spartans, the same who
are called the "horsemen,"[90] as far as the boundaries of Tegea: and
he is the only man of all we know to whom the Spartans ever gave
escort on his way. 125. When however he had come to Athens from
Lacedemon, Timodemos of Aphidnai, one of the opponents of
Themistocles, but in other respects not among the men of distinction,
maddened by envy attacked him, bringing forward against him his going
to Lacedemon, and saying that it was on account of Athens that he had
those marks of honour which he had from the Lacedemonians, and not on
his own account. Then, as Timodemos continued ceaselessly to repeat
this, Themistocles said: "I tell thee thus it is:--if I had been a
native of Belbina[91] I should never have been thus honoured by the
Spartans; but neither wouldest thou, my friend, for all that thou art
an Athenian." So far then went these matters.
126. Artabazos meanwhile the son of Pharnakes, a man who was held in
esteem among the Persians even before this and came to be so yet more
after the events about Plataia, was escorting the king as far as the
passage with six myriads[92] of that army which Mardonios had selected
for himself; and when the king was in Asia and Artabazos on his march
back came near to Pallene, finding that Mardonios was wintering in
Thessaly and Macedonia and was not at present urgent with him to come
and join the rest of the army, he thought it not good to pass by
without reducing the Potidaians to slavery, whom he had found in
revolt: for the men of Potidaia, when the king had marched by them and
when the fleet of the Persians had departed in flight from Salamis,
had openly made revolt from the Barbarians; and so also had the others
done who occupy Pallene. 127. So upon this Artabazos began to besiege
Potidaia, and suspecting that the men of Olynthos also were intending
revolt from the king, he began to besiege this city too, which was
occupied by Bottiaians who had been driven away from the Thermaian
gulf by the Macedonians. So when he had taken these men by siege, he
brought them forth to a lake and slew them[93] there; and the city he
delivered to Critobulos of Torone to have in charge, and to the
natives of Chalkidike; and thus it was that the Chalkidians got
possession of Olynthos. 128. Having taken this city Artabazos set
himself to attack Potidaia with vigour, and as he was setting himself
earnestly to this work, Timoxeinos the commander of the troops from
Skione concerted with him to give up the town by treachery. Now in
what manner he did this at the first, I for my part am not able to
say, for this is not reported; at last however it happened as follows.
Whenever either Timoxeinos wrote a paper wishing to send it to
Artabazos, or Artabazos wishing to send one to Timoxeinos, they wound
it round by the finger-notches[94] of an arrow, and then, putting
feathers over the paper, they shot it to a place agreed upon between
them. It came however to be found out that Timoxeinos was attempting
by treachery to give up Potidaia; for Artabazos, shooting an arrow at
the place agreed upon, missed this spot and struck a man of Potidaia
in the shoulder; and when he was struck, a crowd came about him, as is
apt to happen when there is fighting, and they forthwith took the
arrow and having discovered the paper carried it to the commanders.
Now there was present an allied force of the other men of Pallene
also. Then when the commanders had read the paper and discovered who
was guilty of the treachery, they resolved not openly to convict[95]
Timoxeinos of treachery, for the sake of the city of Skione, lest the
men of Skione should be esteemed traitors for all time to come. 129.
He then in such a manner as this had been discovered; and when three
months had gone by while Artabazos was besieging the town, there came
to be a great ebb of the sea backwards, which lasted for a long time;
and the Barbarians, seeing that shallow water had been produced,
endeavoured to get by into the peninsula of Pallene,[96] but when they
had passed through two fifth-parts of the distance, and yet three-
fifths remained, which they must pass through before they were within
Pallene, then there came upon them a great flood-tide of the sea,
higher than ever before, as the natives of the place say, though high
tides come often. So those of them who could not swim perished, and
those who could were slain by the men of Potidaia who put out to them
in boats. The cause of the high tide and flood and of that which
befell the Persians was this, as the Potidaians say, namely that these
same Persians who perished by means of the sea had committed impiety
towards the temple of Poseidon and his image in the suburb of their
town; and in saying that this was the cause, in my opinion they say
well. The survivors of his army Artabazos led away to Thessaly to join
Mardonios. Thus it fared with these who escorted the king on his way.
130. The fleet of Xerxes, so much of it as remained, when it had
touched Asia in its flight from Salamis, and had conveyed the king and
his army over from the Chersonese to Abydos, passed the winter at
Kyme: and when spring dawned upon it, it assembled early at Samos,
where some of the ships had even passed the winter; and most of the
Persians and Medes still served as fighting-men on board of them.[97]
To be commanders of them there came Mardontes the son of Bagaios, and
Artaÿntes the son of Artachaies, and with them also Ithamitres was in
joint command, who was brother's son to Artaÿntes and had been added
by the choice of Artaÿntes himself. They then, since they had suffered
a heavy blow, did not advance further up towards the West, nor did any
one compel them to do so; but they remained still in Samos and kept
watch over Ionia, lest it should revolt, having three hundred ships
including those of the Ionians; and they did not expect that the
Hellenes on their part would come to Ionia, but thought that it would
satisfy them to guard their own land, judging from the fact that they
had not pursued after them in their flight from Salamis but were well
contented then to depart homewards. As regards the sea then their
spirit was broken, but on land they thought that Mardonios would get
much the advantage. So they being at Samos were taking counsel to do
some damage if they could to their enemies, and at the same time they
were listening for news how the affairs of Mardonios would fall out.
131. The Hellenes on their part were roused both by the coming on of
spring and by the presence of Mardonios in Thessaly. Their land-army
had not yet begun to assemble, when the fleet arrived at Egina, in
number one hundred and ten ships, and the commander and admiral was
Leotychides, who was the son of Menares, the son of Hegesilaos, the
son of Hippocratides, the son of Leotychides, the son of Anaxilaos,
the son of Archidemos, the son of Anaxandriddes, the son of
Theopompos, the son of Nicander, the son of Charilaos,[98] the son of
Eunomos, the son of Polydectes, the son of Prytanis, the son of
Euryphon,[99] the son of Procles, the son of Aristodemos, the son of
Aristomachos, the son of Cleodaios, the son of Hyllos, the son of
Heracles, being of the other royal house.[100] These all, except the
two[101] enumerated first after Leotychides, had been kings of Sparta.
And of the Athenians the commander was Xanthippos the son of Ariphon.
132. When all the ships had arrived at Egina, there came Ionian envoys
to the camp of the Hellenes, who also came a short time before this to
Sparta and asked the Lacedemonians to set Ionia free; and of them one
was Herodotus the son of Basileides. These had banded themselves
together and had plotted to put to death Strattis the despot of Chios,
being originally seven in number; but when one of those who took part
with them gave information of it and they were discovered to be
plotting against him, then the remaining six escaped from Chios and
came both to Sparta and also at this time to Egina, asking the
Hellenes to sail over to Ionia: but they with difficulty brought them
forward as far as Delos; for the parts beyond this were all fearful to
the Hellenes, since they were without experience of those regions and
everything seemed to them to be filled with armed force, while their
persuasion was that it was as long a voyage to Samos as to the Pillars
of Heracles. Thus at the same time it so chanced that the Barbarians
dared sail no further up towards the West than Samos, being smitten
with fear, and the Hellenes no further down towards the East than
Delos, when the Chians made request of them. So fear was guard of the
space which lay between them.
133. The Hellenes, I say, sailed to Delos; and Mardonios meanwhile had
been wintering in Thessaly. From thence he sent round a man, a native
of Europos, whose name was Mys, to the various Oracles, charging him
to go everywhere to consult,[102] wherever they[103] were permitted to
make trial of the Oracles. What he desired to find out from the
Oracles when he gave this charge, I am not able to say, for that is
not reported; but I conceive for my part that he sent to consult about
his present affairs and not about other things. 134. This Mys is known
to have come to Lebadeia and to have persuaded by payment of money one
of the natives of the place to go down to Trophonios, and also he came
to the Oracle at Abai of the Phokians; and moreover when he came for
the first time to Thebes, he not only consulted the Ismenian Apollo,--
there one may consult just as at Olympia with victims,--but also by
payment he persuaded a stranger who was not a Theban, and induced him
to lie down to sleep in the temple of Amphiaraos. In this temple no
one of the Thebans is permitted to seek divination, and that for the
following reason:--Amphiaraos dealing by oracles bade them choose
which they would of these two things, either to have him as a diviner
or else as an ally in war, abstaining from the other use; and they
chose that he should be their ally in war: for this reason it is not
permitted to any of the Thebans to lie down to sleep in that temple.
135. After this a thing which to me is a very great marvel is said by
the Thebans to have come to pass:--it seems that this man Mys of
Europos, as he journeyed round to all the Oracles, came also to the
sacred enclosure of the Ptoan Apollo. This temple is called "Ptoon,"
and belongs to the Thebans, and it lies above the lake Copaïs at the
foot of the mountains, close to the town of Acraiphia. When the man
called Mys came to this temple with three men chosen from the
citizens[104] in his company, who were sent by the public authority to
write down that which the god should utter in his divination,
forthwith it is said the prophet[105] of the god began to give the
oracle in a Barbarian tongue; and while those of the Thebans who
accompanied him were full of wonder, hearing a Barbarian instead of
the Hellenic tongue, and did not know what to make of the matter
before them, it is said that the man of Europos, Mys, snatched from
them the tablet which they bore and wrote upon it that which was being
spoken by the prophet; and he said that the prophet was giving his
answer in the Carian tongue: and then when he had written it, he went
away and departed to Thessaly.
136. Mardonios having read that which the Oracles uttered, whatever
that was, after this sent as an envoy to Athens Alexander the son of
Amyntas, the Macedonian, both because the Persians were connected with
him by marriage, (for Gygaia the sister of Alexander and daughter of
Amyntas had been married to a Persian Bubares,[106] and from her had
been born to him that Amyntas who lived in Asia, having the name of
his mother's father, to whom the king gave Alabanda,[107] a great city
of Phrygia, to possess), and also Mardonios was sending him because he
was informed that Alexander was a public guest-friend and benefactor
of the Athenians; for by this means he thought that he would be most
likely to gain over the Athenians to his side, about whom he heard
that they were a numerous people and brave in war, and of whom he knew
moreover that these were they who more than any others had brought
about the disasters which had befallen the Persians by sea. Therefore
if these should be added to him, he thought that he should easily have
command of the sea (and this in fact would have been the case), while
on land he supposed himself to be already much superior in force. Thus
he reckoned that his power would be much greater than that of the
Hellenes. Perhaps also the Oracles told him this beforehand,
counselling him to make the Athenian his ally, and so he was sending
in obedience to their advice.
137. Now of this Alexander the seventh ancestor[108] was that
Perdiccas who first became despot of the Macedonians, and that in the
manner which here follows:--From Argos there fled to the Illyrians
three brothers of the descendents of Temenos, Gauanes, Aëropos, and
Perdiccas; and passing over from the Illyrians into the upper parts of
Macedonia they came to the city of Lebaia. There they became farm-
servants for pay in the household of the king, one pasturing horses,
the second oxen, and the youngest of them, namely Perdiccas, the
smaller kinds of cattle; for[109] in ancient times even those who were
rulers over men[110] were poor in money, and not the common people
only; and the wife of the king cooked for them their food herself. And
whenever she baked, the loaf of the boy their servant, namely
Perdiccas, became double as large as by nature it should be. When this
happened constantly in the same manner, she told it to her husband,
and he when he heard it conceived forthwith that this was a portent
and tended to something great. He summoned the farm-servants
therefore, and gave notice to them to depart out of his land; and they
said that it was right that before they went forth they should receive
the wages which were due. Now it chanced that the sun was shining into
the house down through the opening which received the smoke, and the
king when he heard about the wages said, being infatuated by a divine
power: "I pay you then this for wages, and it is such as ye deserve,"
pointing to the sunlight. So then Gauanes and Aëropos the elder
brothers stood struck with amazement when they heard this, but the
boy, who happened to have in his hand a knife, said these words: "We
accept, O king, that which thou dost give;" and he traced a line with
his knife round the sunlight on the floor of the house, and having
traced the line round he thrice drew of the sunlight into his bosom,
and after that he departed both himself and his fellows. 138. They
then were going away, and to the king one of those who sat by him at
table told what manner of thing the boy had done, and how the youngest
of them had taken that which was given with some design: and he
hearing this and being moved with anger, sent after them horsemen to
slay them. Now there is a river in this land to which the descendents
of these men from Argos sacrifice as a saviour. This river, so soon as
the sons of Temenos had passed over it, began to flow with such great
volume of water that the horsemen became unable to pass over. So the
brothers, having come to another region of Macedonia, took up their
dwelling near the so-called gardens of Midas the son of Gordias, where
roses grow wild which have each one sixty petals and excel all others
in perfume. In these gardens too Silenos was captured, as is reported
by the Macedonians: and above the gardens is situated a mountain
called Bermion, which is inaccessible by reason of the cold. Having
taken possession of that region, they made this their starting-point,
and proceeded to subdue also the rest of Macedonia. 139. From this
Perdiccas the descent of Alexander was as follows:--Alexander was the
son of Amyntas, Amyntas was the son of Alketes, the father of Alketes
was Aëropos, of him Philip, of Philip Argaios, and of this last the
father was Perdiccas, who first obtained the kingdom.
140. Thus then, I say, Alexander the son of Amyntas was descended; and
when he came to Athens sent from Mardonios, he spoke as follows: (a)
"Athenians, Mardonios speaks these words:--There has come to me a
message from the king which speaks in this manner:--To the Athenians I
remit all the offences which were committed against me: and now,
Mardonios, thus do,--first give them back their own land; then let
them choose for themselves another in addition to this, whichsoever
they desire, remaining independent; and set up for them again all
their temples, which I set on fire, provided that they consent to make
a treaty with me. This message having come to me, it is necessary for
me to do so, unless by your means I am prevented: and thus I speak to
you now:--Why are ye so mad as to raise up war against the king? since
neither will ye overcome him, nor are ye able to hold out against him
for ever: for ye saw the multitude of the host of Xerxes and their
deeds, and ye are informed also of the power which is with me at the
present time; so that even if ye overcome and conquer us (of which ye
can have no hope if ye are rightly minded), another power will come
many times as large. Do not ye then desire to match yourselves with
the king, and so to be both deprived of your land and for ever running
a course for your own lives; but make peace with him: and ye have a
most honourable occasion to make peace, since the king has himself set
out upon this road: agree to a league with us then without fraud or
deceit, and remain free. (b) These things Mardonios charged me to say
to you, O Athenians; and as for me, I will say nothing of the goodwill
towards you on my part, for ye would not learn that now for the first
time; but I ask of you to do as Mardonios says, since I perceive that
ye will not be able to war with Xerxes for ever,--if I perceived in
you ability to do this, I should never have come to you speaking these
words,--for the power of the king is above that of a man and his arm
is very long. If therefore ye do not make an agreement forthwith, when
they offer you great things as the terms on which they are willing to
make a treaty, I have fear on your behalf, seeing that ye dwell more
upon the highway than any of your allies, and are exposed ever to
destruction alone, the land which ye possess being parted off from the
rest and lying between the armies which are contending together.[111]
Nay, but be persuaded, for this is a matter of great consequence to
you, that to you alone of the Hellenes the great king remits the
offences committed and desires to become a friend."
141. Thus spoke Alexander; and the Lacedemonians having been informed
that Alexander had come to Athens to bring the Athenians to make a
treaty with the Barbarians, and remembering the oracles, who it was
destined that they together with the other Dorians should be driven
forth out of the Peloponnese by the Medes and the Athenians combined,
had been very greatly afraid lest the Athenians should make a treaty
with the Persians; and forthwith they had resolved to send envoys. It
happened moreover that they were introduced at the same time with
Alexander;[112] for the Athenians had waited for them, protracting the
time, because they were well assured that the Lacedemonians would hear
that an envoy had come from the Barbarians to make a treaty, and that
having heard it they would themselves send envoys with all speed. They
acted therefore of set purpose, so as to let the Lacedemonians see
their inclination. 142. So when Alexander had ceased speaking, the
envoys from Sparta followed him forthwith and said: "As for us, the
Lacedemonians sent us to ask of you not to make any change in that
which concerns Hellas, nor to accept proposals from the Barbarian;
since this is not just in any way nor honourable for any of the
Hellenes to do, but least of all for you, and that for many reasons.
Ye were they who stirred up this war, when we by no means willed it;
and the contest came about for your dominion, but now it extends even
to the whole of Hellas. Besides this it is by no means to be endured
that ye Athenians, who are the authors of all this, should prove to be
the cause of slavery to the Hellenes, seeing that ye ever from ancient
time also have been known as the liberators of many. We feel sympathy
however with you for your sufferings and because ye were deprived of
your crops twice and have had your substance ruined now for a long
time. In compensation for this the Lacedemonians and their allies make
offer to support your wives and all those of your households who are
unfitted for war, so long as this war shall last: but let not
Alexander the Macedonian persuade you, making smooth the speech of
Mardonios; for these things are fitting for him to do, since being
himself a despot he is working in league with a despot: for you
however they are not fitting to do, if ye chance to be rightly minded;
for ye know that in Barbarians there is neither faith nor truth at
all."
Thus spoke the envoys: 143, and to Alexander the Athenians made answer
thus: "Even of ourselves we know so much, that the Mede has a power
many times as numerous as ours; so that there is no need for thee to
cast this up against us. Nevertheless because we long for liberty we
shall defend ourselves as we may be able: and do not thou endeavour to
persuade us to make a treaty with the Barbarian, for we on our part
shall not be persuaded. And now report to Mardonios that the Athenians
say thus:--So long as the Sun goes on the same course by which he goes
now, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes; but we will go forth
to defend ourselves[113] against him, trusting in the gods and the
heroes as allies, for whom he had no respect when he set fire to their
houses and to their sacred images. And in the future do not thou
appear before the Athenians with any such proposals as these, nor
think that thou art rendering them good service in advising them to do
that which is not lawful; for we do not desire that thou shouldest
suffer anything unpleasant at the hands of the Athenians, who art
their public guest and friend." 144. To Alexander they thus made
answer, but to the envoys from Sparta as follows: "That the
Lacedemonians should be afraid lest we should make a treaty with the
Barbarian was natural no doubt;[114] but it seems to be an unworthy
fear for men who know so well the spirit of the Athenians, namely that
there is neither so great quantity of gold anywhere upon the earth,
nor any land so much excelling in beauty and goodness, that we should
be willing to accept it and enslave Hellas by taking the side of the
Medes. For many and great are the reasons which hinder us from doing
this, even though we should desire it; first and greatest the images
and houses of the gods set on fire or reduced to ruin, which we must
necessarily avenge to the very utmost rather than make an agreement
with him who did these deeds; then secondly there is the bond of
Hellenic race, by which we are of one blood and of one speech, the
common temples of the gods and the common sacrifices, the manners of
life which are the same for all; to these it would not be well that
the Athenians should become traitors. And be assured of this, if by
any chance ye were not assured of it before, that so long as one of
the Athenians remains alive, we will never make an agreement with
Xerxes. We admire however the forethought which ye had with regard to
us, in that ye took thought for us who have had our substance
destroyed, and are willing to support the members of our households;
and so far as ye are concerned, the kindness has been fully performed:
but we shall continue to endure as we may, and not be a trouble in any
way to you. Now therefore, with full conviction this is so, send out
an army as speedily as ye may: for, as we conjecture, the Barbarian
will be here invading our land at no far distant time but so soon as
he shall be informed of the message sent, namely that we shall do none
of those things which he desired of us. Therefore before he arrives
here in Attica, it is fitting that ye come to our rescue quickly in
Bœotia." Thus the Athenians made answer, and upon that the envoys went
away back to Sparta.
----------
NOTES TO BOOK VIII
1. See v. 77.
2. i.e. triremes.
3. {os to plethos ekastoi ton neon pareikhonto}: some read by
conjecture {oson to plethos k.t.l.}
4. Perhaps "also" refers to the case of those who had come to
Thermopylai, cp. vii. 207. Others translate, "these Hellenes who
had come /after all/ to Artemision," i.e. after all the doubt and
delay.
5. {pantes}: some MSS. have {plegentes}, which is adopted by most
Editors, "smitten by bribes."
6. {dethen}, with ironical sense.
7. {mede purphoron}: the {purphoros} had charge of the fire brought
for sacrifices from the altar of Zeus Agetor at Sparta, and
ordinarily his person would be regarded as sacred; hence the
proverb {oude purphoros esothe}, used of an utter defeat.
8. {tou diekploou}.
9. {kata stoma}.
10. {sklerai brontai}: the adjective means "harsh-sounding."
11. {akhari}.
12. {ta Koila tes Euboies}.
13. "having been roughly handled."
14. {epi ten thalassan tauten}: some MSS. read {taute} for {tauten},
which is to be taken with {sullexas}, "he assembled the generals
there."
15. {peripetea epoiesanto sphisi autoisi ta pregmata}.
16. {paleseie}, a word which does not occur elsewhere, and is
explained by Hesychius as equivalent to {diaphtharein}. Various
emendations have been proposed, and Valla seems to have had the
reading {apelaseie}, for he says /discessisset/. Stein explains
{paleseie} (as from {pale}) "should contend."
17. Some suppose the number "four thousand" is interpolated by
misunderstanding of the inscription in vii. 228; and it seems
hardly possible that the dead were so many as four thousand,
unless at least half were Helots.
18. Some MSS. have "Tritantaichmes," which is adopted by many Editors.
19. {neou}.
20. {os anarpasomenoi tous Phokeas}: cp. ix. 60.
21. {podeon steinos}, like the neck of a wineskin; cp. ii. 121, note
102.
22. {tou propheten}, the interpreter of the utterances of the
{promantis}.
23. {neou}.
24. {megarou}.
25. i.e. of Athene Polias, the Erechtheion; so throughout this
account.
26. {sunerree}, "kept flowing together."
26a. Or, "Hermione."
27. See i. 56.
28. See ch. 31.
29. {pros pantas tous allous}, "in comparison with all the rest," cp.
iii. 94.
30. {stratarkheo}: a vague expression, because being introduced after
Kecrops he could not have the title of king.
31. The number obtained by adding up the separate contingents is 366.
Many Editors suppose that the ships with which the Eginetans were
guarding their own coast (ch. 46) are counted here, and quote the
authority of Pausanias for the statement that the Eginetans
supplied more ships than any others except the Athenians. Stein
suggests the insertion of the number twelve in ch. 46.
31a. Or, "Thespeia."
32. i.e. "Areopagus."
33. i.e. the North side.
34. {megaron}.
35. {neos}.
36. {pollos en en tois logois}: cp. ix. 91.
37. See vii. 141-143.
38. {autothen ik Salaminos}.
39. {te Metri kai te Koure}, Demeter and Persephone.
40. {te anakrisi}: cp. {anakrinomenous}, ix. 56. Some Editors,
following inferior MSS., read {te krisi}, "at the judgment
expressed."
41. {muriadon}, "ten thousands."
42. Or, "Hermione."
43. {oi perioikoi}: some Editors omit the article and translate "and
these are the so-called Orneates or dwellers round (Argos),"
Orneates being a name for the {perioikoi} of Argos, derived from
the conquered city of Orneai.
44. {elpidi mainomene}, "with a mad hope."
45. {krateron Koron Ubrios uion}.
46. {dokeunt ana panta tithesthai}: the MSS. have also {pithesthai}.
Possibly {tithesthai} might stand, though {anatithesthai} is not
found elsewhere in this sense. Stein adopts in his last edition
the conjecture {piesthai}, "swallow up."
47. {Kronides}.
48. {potnia Nike}.
49. i.e. about rivalry.
50. {ton epibateon}.
51. Many Editors reading {osa de} and {parainesas de}, make the stop
after {antitithemena}: "and in all that is produced in the nature
and constitution of man he exhorted them to choose the better."
52. {o daimonioi}, "strange men."
53. See ch. 22.
54. {pros de eti kai proselabeto}: the MSS. have {prosebaleto}. Most
Editors translate, "Moreover Ariamnes . . . contributed to the
fate of the Phenicians, being a friend (of the Ionians);" but this
does not seem possible unless we read {philos eon Iosi} (or
{Ionon}). Valla translates nearly as I have done. (It does not
appear that {prosballesthai} is found elsewhere in the sense of
{sumballesthai}.)
55. i.e. they who were commanded to execute them.
56. See vii. 179, 181.
57. See vi. 49, etc., and 73.
58. {keleta}.
59. {sumballontai}: the Athenians apparently are spoken of, for they
alone believed the story.
60. {apoplesai}: this is the reading of the MSS.; but many Editors
adopt corrections ({apoplesthai} or {apoplesthenai}). The subject
to {apoplesai} is to be found in the preceding sentence and the
connexion with {ton te allon panta k.t.l.} is a loose one. This in
fact is added as an afterthought, the idea being originally to
call attention simply to the fulfilment of the oracle of
Lysistratos.
61. {phruxousi}: a conjectural emendation, adopted by most Editors, of
{phrixousi}, "will shudder (at the sight of oars)."
62. {kat allon kai allon}: the MSS. have {kat allon}, but Valla's
rendering is "alium atque alium."
63. {uper megalon aiorethenta}.
64. i.e. 300,000.
65. {os ek kakon}: some translate, "thinking that he had escaped from
his troubles."
66. {toisi epikletoisi}, cp. vii. 8 and ix. 42.
67. i.e. Asia, as opposed to "these parts."
68. Stein would take {peri oikon ton son} with {oudemia sumphore}, but
the order of words is against this.
69. {pollous pollakis agonas drameontai peri spheon auton}.
70. See i. 175. The manner of the repetition and some points in the
diction raise suspicion that the passage is interpolated here; and
so it is held to be by most Editors. In i. 175 we find {tris}
instead of {dis}.
71. {upegagon}, cp. vi. 72, with the idea of bringing before a court
for punishment, not "by underhand means," as it is understood by
Larcher and Bähr.
72. "vengeance and Hermotimos."
73. {spheis . . . ergasaiato}: the MSS. read {sphi} (one {spheas}) and
{ergasaito}, and this is retained by some Editors.
74. "taken."
75. {metabalon}: others translate, "he turned from them to the
Athenians"; but cp. vii. 52. The words {pros tous Athenaious} are
resumed by {sphi} with {elege}.
76. {kai epi spheon auton balomenoi}, "even at their own venture," cp.
iii. 71.
77. {ta idia}, "things belonging to private persons."
78. {sophos}.
79. {geopeinas}, "poor in land."
80. It seems necessary to insert {an} with {einai}. For the sentiment
cp. vii. 172.
81. {khreomenos toisi kai pros basilea ekhresato}. This is the reading
of the best MSS.: the rest have {khreomenos logoisi toisi kai pros
Andrious ekhresato}, "using the same language as he had before
used to the Andrians."
82. {kai ten allen ippon}: some MSS. omit {allen}.
83. {ola}, i.e. not the whole number of them, but great masses without
individual selection.
84. {ouden meros os eipein}.
85. {anemon Strumonien}, "the wind called Strymonias."
86. {ta akrothinia}, i.e. the tithe.
87. i.e. the corner of the entrance-hall, {epi tou proneiou tes
gonies}, i. 51.
88. {dienemon}: some understand this to mean "distributed the voting
tablets," and some MSS. read {dienemonto}, "distributed among
themselves," which is adopted by many Editors.
89. {sophotatos}.
90. See i. 67.
91. A small island near Attica, taken here as the type of
insignificance. To suppose that Timodemos was connected with it is
quite unnecessary. The story in Plutarch about the Seriphian is
different.
92. i.e. 60,000.
93. {katesphaxe}, "cut their throats."
94. {para tas gluphidas}: some Editors read {peri tas gluphidas} on
the authority of Æneas Tacticus. The {gluphides} are probably
notches which give a hold for the fingers as they draw back the
string.
95. {kataplexai}, "strike down" by the charge.
96. The way was shut against them ordinarily by the town of Potidaia,
which occupied the isthmus.
97. i.e. most of those who before served as {epibatai} (vii. 96)
continued to serve still. The sentence is usually translated, "of
those who served as fighting-men in them the greater number were
Persians or Medes," and this may be right.
98. The MSS. have "Charilos" or "Charillos."
99. Some Editors read "Eurypon," which is the form found elsewhere.
100. Cp. vii. 204.
101. {duon}. It seems certain that the number required here is seven
and not two, and the emendation {epta} for {duon} ({z} for {b}) is
approved by several Editors.
102. {khresomenon}: the best MSS. read {khresamenon}, which is
retained by Stein, with the meaning "charging him to consult the
Oracles everywhere . . . and then return."
103. i.e. Mardonios and the Persians.
104. i.e. Theban citizens.
105. {promantin}: he is afterwards called {prophetes}.
106. Cp. v. 21.
107. Some Editors would read "Alabastra." Alabanda was a Carian town.
108. Counting Alexander himself as one.
109. {esan gar}: this is the reading of the best MSS.: others have
{esan de}. Stein (reading {esan gar}) places this clause after the
next, "The wife of the king herself baked their bread, for in
ancient times, etc." This transposition is unnecessary; for it
would be easy to understand it as a comment on the statement that
three members of the royal house of Argos became farm-servants.
110. {ai turannides ton anthropon}.
111. {exaireton metaikhmion te ten gun ektemenon}: there are
variations of reading and punctuation in the MSS.
112. {sunepipte oste omou spheon ginesthai ten katastasin}, i.e. their
introduction before the assembly, cp. iii. 46.
113. {epeximen amunomenoi}, which possibly might be translated, "we
will continue to defend ourselves."
114. {karta anthropeion}.
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