THE speech of Themistocles the Athenian,
which was haughty and arrogant, in taking
so much to himself, had been a grave and wise
observation and censure, applied at large to others.
Desired at a feast to touch a lute, he said, He could
not fiddle, but yet he could make a small town, a
great city. These words (holpen a little with a
metaphor) may express two differing abilities, in
those that deal in business of estate. For if a true
survey be taken of counsellors and statesmen,
there may be found (though rarely) those which
can make a small state great, and yet cannot fid-
dle; as on the other side, there will be found a great
many, that can fiddle very cunningly, but yet are
so far from being able to make a small state great,
as their gift lieth the other way; to bring a great
and flourishing estate, to ruin and decay. And cer-
tainly whose degenerate arts and shifts, whereby
many counsellors and governors gain both favor
with their masters, and estimation with the vulgar,
deserve no better name than fiddling; being things
rather pleasing for the time, and graceful to them-
selves only, than tending to the weal and advance-
ment of the state which they serve. There are also
(no doubt) counsellors and governors which may
be held sufficient (negotiis pares), able to manage
affairs, and to keep them from precipices and
manifest inconveniences; which nevertheless are
far from the ability to raise and amplify an estate
in power, means, and fortune. But be the workmen
what they may be, let us speak of the work; that
is, the true greatness of kingdoms and estates, and
the means thereof. An argument fit for great and
mighty princes to have in their hand; to the end
that neither by over-measuring their forces, they
leese themselves in vain enterprises; nor on the
other side, by undervaluing them, they descend to
fearful and pusillanimous counsels.
The greatness of an estate, in bulk and territory,
doth fall under measure; and the greatness of
finances and revenue, doth fall under computa-
tion. The population may appear by musters; and
the number and greatness of cities and towns by
cards and maps. But yet there is not any thing
amongst civil affairs more subject to error, than
the right valuation and true judgment concerning
the power and forces of an estate. The kingdom of
heaven is compared, not to any great kernel or nut,
but to a grain of mustard-seed: which is one of the
least grains, but hath in it a property and spirit
hastily to get up and spread. So are there states,
great in territory, and yet not apt to enlarge or
command; and some that have but a small dimen-
sion of stem, and yet apt to be the foundations of
great monarchies.
Walled towns, stored arsenals and armories,
goodly races of horse, chariots of war, elephants,
ordnance, artillery, and the like; all this is but a
sheep in a lion's skin, except the breed and disposi-
tion of the people, be stout and warlike. Nay, num-
ber (itself) in armies importeth not much, where
the people is of weak courage; for (as Virgil saith)
It never troubles a wolf, how many the sheep be.
The army of the Persians, in the plains of Arbela,
was such a vast sea of people, as it did somewhat
astonish the commanders in Alexander's army;
who came to him therefore, and wished him to set
upon them by night; and he answered, He would
not pilfer the victory. And the defeat was easy.
When Tigranes the Armenian, being encamped
upon a hill with four hundred thousand men, dis-
covered the army of the Romans, being not above
fourteen thousand, marching towards him, he
made himself merry with it, and said, Yonder men
are too many for an embassage, and too few for a
fight. But before the sun set, he found them enow
to give him the chase with infinite slaughter.
Many are the examples of the great odds, between
number and courage; so that a man may truly
make a judgment, that the principal point of great-
ness in any state, is to have a race of military men.
Neither is money the sinews of war (as it is trivially
said), where the sinews of men's arms, in base and
effeminate people, are failing. For Solon said well
to Croesus (when in ostentation he showed him his
gold), Sir, if any other come, that hath better iron,
than you, he will be master of all this gold. There-
fore let any prince or state think solely of his forces,
except his militia of natives be of good and valiant
soldiers. And let princes, on the other side, that
have subjects of martial disposition, know their
own strength; unless they be otherwise wanting
unto themselves. As for mercenary forces (which
is the help in this case), all examples show, that
whatsoever estate or prince doth rest upon them,
he may spread his feathers for a time, but he will
mew them soon after.
The blessing of Judah and Issachar will never
meet; that the same people, or nation, should be
both the lion's whelp and the ass between bur-
thens; neither will it be, that a people overlaid
with taxes, should ever become valiant and mar-
tial. It is true that taxes levied by consent of the
estate, do abate men's courage less: as it hath been
seen notably, in the excises of the Low Countries;
and, in some degree, in the subsidies of England.
For you must note, that we speak now of the heart,
and not of the purse. So that although the same
tribute and tax, laid by consent or by imposing, be
all one to the purse, yet it works diversely upon the
courage. So that you may conclude, that no people
overcharged with tribute, is fit for empire.
Let states that aim at greatness, take heed how
their nobility and gentlemen do multiply too fast.
For that maketh the common subject, grow to be a
peasant and base swain, driven out of heart, and in
effect but the gentleman's laborer. Even as you
may see in coppice woods; if you leave your stad-
dles too thick, you shall never have clean under-
wood, but shrubs and bushes. So in countries, if the
gentlemen be too many, the commons will be base;
and you will bring it to that, that not the hundred
poll, will be fit for an helmet; especially as to the
infantry, which is the nerve of an army; and so
there will be great population, and little strength.
This which I speak of, hath been nowhere better
seen, than by comparing of England and France;
whereof England, though far less in territory and
population, hath been (nevertheless) an over-
match; in regard the middle people of England
make good soldiers, which the peasants of France
do not. And herein the device of king Henry the
Seventh (whereof I have spoken largely in the
History of his Life) was profound and admirable;
in making farms and houses of husbandry of a
standard; that is, maintained with such a propor-
tion of land unto them, as may breed a subject to
live in convenient plenty and no servile condition;
and to keep the plough in the hands of the owners,
and not mere hirelings. And thus indeed you shall
attain to Virgil's character which he gives to an-
cient Italy:
Terra potens armis atque ubere glebae.
Neither is that state (which, for any thing I know,
is almost peculiar to England, and hardly to be
found anywhere else, except it be perhaps in
Poland) to be passed over; I mean the state of free
servants, and attendants upon noblemen and
gentlemen; which are no ways inferior unto the
yeomanry for arms. And therefore out of all ques-
tions, the splendor and magnificence, and great
retinues and hospitality, of noblemen and gentle-
men, received into custom, doth much conduce
unto martial greatness. Whereas, contrariwise, the
close and reserved living of noblemen and gentle-
men, causeth a penury of military forces.
By all means it is to be procured, that the trunk
of Nebuchadnezzar's tree of monarchy, be great
enough to bear the branches and the boughs; that
is, that the natural subjects of the crown or state,
bear a sufficient proportion to the stranger sub-
jects, that they govern.Therefore all states that are
liberal of naturalization towards strangers, are fit
for empire. For to think that an handful of people
can, with the greatest courage and policy in the
world, embrace too large extent of dominion, it
may hold for a time, but it will fail suddenly. The
Spartans were a nice people in point of naturaliza-
tion; whereby, while they kept their compass,
they stood firm; but when they did spread, and
their boughs were becomen too great for their
stem, they became a windfall, upon the sudden.
Never any state was in this point so open to receive
strangers into their body, as were the Romans.
Therefore it sorted with them accordingly; for
they grew to the greatest monarchy. Their manner
was to grant naturalization (which they called jus
civitatis), and to grant it in the highest degree; that
is, not only jus commercii, jus connubii, jus haere-
ditatis; but also jus suffragii, and jus honorum.
And this not to singular persons alone, but likewise
to whole families; yea to cities, and sometimes to
nations. Add to this their custom of plantation of
colonies; whereby the Roman plant was removed
into the soil of other nations. And putting both
constitutions together, you will say that it was not
the Romans that spread upon the world, but it was
the world that spread upon the Romans; and that
was the sure way of greatness. I have marvelled,
sometimes, at Spain, how they clasp and contain
so large dominions, with so few natural Spaniards;
but sure the whole compass of Spain, is a very great
body of a tree; far above Rome and Sparta at the
first. And besides, though they have not had that
usage, to naturalize liberally, yet they have that
which is next to it; that is, to employ, almost indif-
ferently, all nations in their militia of ordinary
soldiers; yea, and sometimes in their highest com-
mands. Nay, it seemeth at this instant they are
sensible, of this want of natives; as by the Prag-
matical Sanction, now published, appeareth.
It is certain that sedentary, and within-door
arts, and delicate manufactures (that require
rather the finger than the arm), have, in their na-
ture, a contrariety to a military disposition. And
generally, all warlike people are a little idle, and
love danger better than travail. Neither must they
be too much broken of it, if they shall be preserved
in vigor. Therefore it was great advantage, in the
ancient states of Sparta, Athens, Rome, and others,
that they had the use of slaves, which commonly
did rid those manufactures. But that is abolished,
in greatest part, by the Christian law. That which
cometh nearest to it, is to leave those arts chiefly to
strangers (which, for that purpose, are the more
easily to be received), and to contain the principal
bulk of the vulgar natives, within those three
kinds, - tillers of the ground; free servants; and
handicraftsmen of strong and manly arts, as
smiths, masons, carpenters, etc.; not reckoning
professed soldiers.
But above all, for empire and greatness, it im-
porteth most, that a nation do profess arms, as their
principal honor, study, and occupation. For the
things which we formerly have spoken of, are but
habilitations towards arms; and what is habilita-
tion without intention and act? Romulus, after his
death (as they report or feign), sent a present to the
Romans, that above all, they should intend arms;
and then they should prove the greatest empire of
the world. The fabric of the state of Sparta was
wholly (though not wisely) framed and composed,
to that scope and end. The Persians and Macedo-
nians had it for a flash. The Gauls, Germans,
Goths, Saxons, Normans, and others, had it for a
time. The Turks have it at this day, though in great
declination. Of Christian Europe, they that have it
are, in effect, only the Spaniards. But it is so
plain, that every man profiteth in that, he most
intendeth, that it needeth not to be stood upon. It
is enough to point at it; that no nation which doth
not directly profess arms, may look to have great-
ness fall into their mouths. And on the other side,
it is a most certain oracle of time, that those states
that continue long in that profession (as the Ro-
mans and Turks principally have done) do won-
ders. And those that have professed arms but for
an age, have, notwithstanding, commonly at-
tained that greatness, in that age, which main-
tained them long after, when their profession and
exercise of arms hath grown to decay.
Incident to this point is, for a state to have those
laws or customs, which may reach forth unto them
just occasions (as may be pretended) of war. For
there is that justice, imprinted in the nature of
men, that they enter not upon wars (whereof so
many calamities do ensue) but upon some, at the
least specious, grounds and quarrels. The Turk
hath at hand, for cause of war, the propagation of
his law or sect; a quarrel that he may always com-
mand. The Romans, though they esteemed the
extending the limits of their empire, to be great
honor to their generals, when it was done, yet they
never rested upon that alone, to begin a war. First,
therefore, let nations that pretend to greatness
have this; that they be sensible of wrongs, either
upon borderers, merchants, or politic ministers;
and that they sit not too long upon a provocation.
Secondly, let them be prest, and ready to give aids
and succors, to their confederates; as it ever was
with the Romans; insomuch, as if the confederate
had leagues defensive, with divers other states,
and, upon invasion offered, did implore their aids
severally, yet the Romans would ever be the fore-
most, and leave it to none other to have the honor.
As for the wars which were anciently made, on
the behalf of a kind of party, or tacit conformity of
estate, I do not see how they may be well justified:
as when the Romans made a war, for the liberty of
Grecia; or when the Lacedaemonians and Athe-
nians, made wars to set up or pull down democ-
racies and oligarchies; or when wars were made
by foreigners, under the pretence of justice or pro-
tection, to deliver the subjects of others, from
tyranny and oppression; and the like. Let it suf-
fice, that no estate expect to be great, that is not
awake upon any just occasion of arming.
No body can be healthful without exercise,
neither natural body nor politic; and certainly to
a kingdom or estate, a just and honorable war, is
the true exercise. A civil war, indeed, is like the
heat of a fever; but a foreign war is like the heat of
exercise, and serveth to keep the body in health;
for in a slothful peace, both courages will effemi-
nate, and manners corrupt. But howsoever it be
for happiness, without all question, for greatness,
it maketh to be still for the most part in arms; and
the strength of a veteran army (though it be a
chargeable business) always on foot, is that which
commonly giveth the law, or at least the reputa-
tion, amongst all neighbor states; as may well be
seen in Spain, which hath had, in one part or other,
a veteran army almost continually, now by the
space of six score years.
To be master of the sea, is an abridgment of a
monarchy. Cicero, writing to Atticus of Pompey
his preparation against Caesar, saith, Consilium
Pompeii plane Themistocleum est; putat enim,
qui mari potitur, eum rerum potiri. And, without
doubt, Pompey had tired out Caesar, if upon vain
confidence, he had not left that way. We see the
great effects of battles bv sea. The battle of Actium,
decided the empire of the world. The battle of Le-
panto, arrested the greatness of the Turk. There be
many examples, where sea-fights have been final
to the war; but this is when princes or states have
set up their rest, upon the battles. But thus much
is certain, that he that commands the sea, is at
great liberty, and may take as much, and as little,
of the war as he will. Whereas those that be strong-
est by land, are many times nevertheless in great
straits. Surely, at this day, with us of Europe, the
vantage of strength at sea (which is one of the prin-
cipal dowries of this kingdom of Great Britain) is
great; both because most of the kingdoms of Eu-
rope, are not merely inland, but girt with the sea
most part of their compass; and because the wealth
of both Indies seems in great part, but an accessory
to the command of the seas.
The wars of latter ages seem to be made in the
dark, in respect of the glory, and honor, which
reflected upon men from the wars, in ancient time.
There be now, for martial encouragement, some
degrees and orders of chivalry; which nevertheless
are conferred promiscuously, upon soldiers and
no soldiers; and some remembrance perhaps, upon
the scutcheon; and some hospitals for maimed sol-
diers; and such like things. But in ancient times,
the trophies erected upon the place of the victory;
the funeral laudatives and monuments for those
that died in the wars; the crowns and garlands per-
sonal; the style of emperor, which the great kings
of the world after borrowed; the triumphs of the
generals, upon their return; the great donatives
and largesses, upon the disbanding of the armies;
were things able to inflame all men's courages.
But above all, that of the triumph, amongst the
Romans, was not pageants or gaudery, but one of
the wisest and noblest institutions, that ever was.
For it contained three things: honor to the general;
riches to the treasury out of the spoils; and dona-
tives to the army. But that honor, perhaps were not
fit for monarchies; except it be in the person of the
monarch himself, or his sons; as it came to pass in
the times of the Roman emperors, who did impro-
priate the actual triumphs to themselves, and their
sons, for such wars as they did achieve in person;
and left only, for wars achieved by subjects, some
triumphal garments and ensigns to the general.
To conclude: no man can by care taking (as the
Scripture saith) add a cubit to his stature, in this
little model of a man's body; but in the great frame
of kingdoms and commonwealths, it is in the
power of princes or estates, to add amplitude and
greatness to their kingdoms; for by introducing
such ordinances, constitutions, and customs, as we
have now touched, they may sow greatness to
their posterity and succession. But these things are
commonly not observed, but left to take their
chance.
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